(68*)
2be effected, by establishing a highway from the coast
3into the centre of the country. As there was no hope
4of the Boers allowing the peaceable instruction of the
5natives at Kolobeng, I at once resolved to save my
6family from exposure to this unhealthy region by
7sending them to England, and to return alone, with a
8view to exploring the country in search of a healthy
9district, that might prove a centre of civilization, and
10open up the interior by a path to either the east or west
11coast. This resolution led me down to ^
[the] Cape Town in
12April, 1852, being the first time during eleven years
13that I had revisited the scenes of civilization.
To be inserted at bottom of small slip 68*
3
4Our route to Cape Town led us to pass
5through the centre of the Colony during
6 the Twentieth month of a
7Caffre War, and if those who
8periodically pay enormous
9sums for these inglorious
10affairs, wish to know how
11our little unprotected party
12could quietly travel through
13the heart of the colony to the
14Capital with as little sense
15or sign of danger as if we
16had been in England
17they must engage a "Times
18
[Special
19Correspondent"]
Commissioner" for the next
20outbreak to explain where
21the money goes, and who
22has
{ve} been benefitted by the
23p blood and treasure they
24
[expended] are called upon to spend
25Having placed my family on
26board a homeward bound
27ship and promised to rejoin
28
[them] it in two years, we parted
29for, ^ as it subsequently proved, nearly five years four and a half - The
30Directors of the London
31Missionary Society signified
32their cordial approval of
33my project, by leaving the
34matter entirely to my own
35judgment and discretion; and
36I have much pleasure in
0003
1p.93 68* 2
2acknowledging my obligations
3to the gentlemen then in the
4
[composing
5that body]
direction of the Society in
{for} always
6acting in an enlightened spirit
7and with as much liberality
8as their constitution would
9allow
I have the like pleasure
11in confessing my thankfulness
12to the Astronomer Royal
13at the Cape, Thomas Maclear
14Esqr-, for enabling me
15to recal the little astronomical
16knowledge which constant
17manual labour and
18the engrossing nature of
19missionary duties had effaced
20from my memory, and in
21adding much that I neverdid not
22kne
{o}w before - before - The assurance
23The promise he made on
24parting that he would examine
25and correct all my observations
26had more effect in making
27me persevere in overcoming
28the difficulties of an unassisted
29solitary observer, than anything
30else - so whatever credit
31may be attached to the
32geographical positions laid
33down ^ in my route, must
34be attributed to the laborious
35voluntary aid of the excellent
36and laborious astronomer
37of the Cape Observatory -
38 Chapter (After this insert part of 66 - Having sent my family &c)
0004
1XXXVI- P358-373 3
2Dew. W
3pay, and now began to
4Set up in
4slips - but in
4the type of the
4Book JM
remark that they
5must in future fleece
6the Mambari as these
7Chiboque had done to us;
8As they had all been
9loud in condemnation
10of the mean^ness &
[&
{and}] when
11I asked if they could
12descend to be equally
13mean,- I was answered
14that they would only
15do it in revenge - They like
16to have a plausible excuse for mean^ness -
Next morning our
18guides went only about
19a mile, and then told
20us they would return
21home now - I expected
22this bef
{w}hen paying them
23
[beforehand] in accordance with the
24entreaties of the Makololo-
{,} who
25are rather ignorant of the world
26Very energetic remonstrances
27were addressed to the guides of
28but they slipped off one by
29one in the thick forest
30through which we were
31passing, and I was glad to
32hear my companions
33coming to the conclusion,
34that, as we were now in
35parts visited by traders, we
361 did not require the guides;
0005
14
2whose chief use had been to prevent
3misapprehension of our objects
4in the minds of the villagers -
5The country was somewhat
6more undulating now than it
7had been, and several fine
8
[small] streams flowed in deep woody
9dells
[The trees of
10which are
11very tall and
12straight and
13the forests
14gloomy and
15damp -; the
16ground in
17these solitudes
18is quite covered
19with yellow &
20moss brown
21mosses, and
22bright coloured
23lichens clothe
24all the trees -]
- The soil extremely
25fertile, and generally a black
26loam covered with a thick
27crop of tall grasses - We passed
28several villages too - The
29headman of a large one scolded
30us well for passing when
31he intended to give us food -
32but w
{W}here slave-traders have
33been in the habit of coming,
34they present food, then
35demand three or four times
36its value as a custom - We
37were now rather glad to get
38past villages without intercourse
39with the inhabitants
We were travelling W- N- W-,
41and all the rivulets we here
42crossed had a Northerly course,
43and were reported to fall into
44the Kasai or Loké, ^
[Most of them
45had the peculiar
46boggy banks
47of the country]
As we
48were now in the alledged
49latitudes of the Coanza, I was
50much astonished at the
51entire absence of any
52knowledge of that river
532 expressed by the among the
54natives of this quarter,
0006
15
2But I was ^ then ignorant of the fact
3that the Coanza rises considerably
4to the West of this, and has
5a comparatively short course
6from its source to the sea -
7The famous Dr Lacerda
8seems to have laboured under
9the same mistake as myself,
10for he recommended the
11Government of Angola to
12establish a chain of forts
13along the banks of that
14river, with a view to
15communication with the
16opposite coast - As a chain
17of forts in
{al}ong its course would
18lead Southwards instead
19of Eastwards, we may infer
20that the geographical data
21within reach of that eminent
22man, were no better than
23those according to which
24I had directed my course
25to the Coanza where it does
26not exist
26th We spent Sunday on
28the banks of the Quilo or
29Kweelo here, a stream of
30about ten yards wide.
31It, runs in a deep glen,
323 the sides of which are
33about five hundred yards
34of slope - and rockey - the
35rocks being hardened tufa above
36
[clayslate ^] and sandstone below - with
37a capping of ferrugineous conglomerate
0007
16
2The scenery would have been very
3pleasing, but fever took away
4much of the joy of life, and
5severe daily intermittents
6rendered me very weak
7and glad to recline
As we were now in the
9slave-market, it struck me
10that the sense of insecurity
11felt by the natives might
12account for the circumstance
13that when questioned those
14who have been sold as slaves,
15and freed again, profess to like
16this new state better than
17their primitive one,- They
18lived on rich fertile plains,
19which seldom inspire that
20love of country which the
21mountains do - If they had
22been mountaineers they would
23have pined for home - To
24one who has observed the
25hard toil of the poor in old
26civilized countries, the state
27in which the inhabitants
28here live is one of glorious
29ease - We
{The} country is full
30of little villages - Food abounds
314 and very little labour is
32required for its cultivation,
33The soil is so rich that
34no manure is required;
35but when a garden becomes
0008
17
25 too poor for good crops of maize,
3beans, &c, the owner removes
4a little ^
[farther into
5the forest,]
- applies fire ^ round to the trees
6roots of the larger trees to kill
7them,- cuts down the smaller,
8and a new rich garden is
9ready for the seed. The gardens
10usually present the appearance
11of a great number of dea
{tall}
12dead trees standing without
13bark, and maize growing
14between them - The old gardens
15continue to yield manioc
16for years after the
17owners have removed
18to other spots for the sake
19of beans and maize -
[But while
20vegetable foodaliment is
21abundant, there
22is a want of
23salt & animal
24food,- so that
25numberless traps
26are ^ seen set for
27mice in all the
28forests of
29Londa - The
30vegetable aliment
31leaves great
32craving for
33flesh, and I
34have no doubt
35but that when
36an ordinary
37quantity of
38mixed food
39is supplied to
40freed slaves,
41they actually do
42feel more com/
43fortable than
44they did at home -
45Their assertions,
46however, mean but
47little, for they try
48to give an answer to please, and if one shewed them
49a nugget of gold, they would generally says that they abounded in their country] -
One could see the
51variety of character in
{am}ong
52the owners of gardens
53and villages - Some were
54the pictures of neatness
55We entered other villages
56enveloped in a wilderness
57of weeds so high that
585 when sitting on ox back
59in the middle of the
60village we could only
61see the tops of the huts -
62If we entered at midday
63the owners would come lazily
64forth and
{pipe} in h
{m}outh hand
65or leizurely puffing away
66with in dreamy indifference
0009
18
2In other villages weeds are not
3allowed to grow;- cotton, tobacco,
4and different plants, used
5as relishes, are planted round
6the huts;- fowls are kept
7in cages, and the gardens
8present the pleasant spectacle
9of different kinds of grain
10and pulse at various
11periods of their growth -
12I sometimes admired this, &
13
[at] sometimes the other & wished
14I could have taken the world
15easy like
{for} a time like the other -
16Every f
{v}illage swarms with
17children, who turn out to
18see the white man pass, -
19and run along with strange
20cries and antics;- some
21run up trees to get a good
22view,- - They are good climbers
23throughout Londa - At friendly
24villages they have scampered
25alongside our party for
26miles at a time - We usually
27make a little hedge around
286 our sheds ^ c
{C}rowds of women
29come to the entrance of this
30it with children on their
31backs and long pipes
32in their mouths, gazing at
33us for hours - The men,
34rather than disturb them,
35crawl through a hole in
36the hedge, and it is common
0010
19
2to hear a man in running off
3say to them "I am going to tell
4my Mama to come and see
5the white man's oxen"
Powell In continuing our W- N- W-
7course we met many parties
8of native traders each carrying
9some pieces of cloth and salt
10
[with] a few beads to barter for
11bees wax - they are all
12armed with Portuguese guns
13and have cartridges with iron
14balls. When we meet we
15usually stand a few minutes
16they present a little salt and
17we ^
[give a bit
18of ox hide
19or some
20other trifle
21and]
then part with mutual
22good wishes - The hide of
23the oxen we slaughtered had
24been a valuable addition
25to our resources for we
26found it in so great
27repute as girdles all
28through Londa that we
29cut up every skin into
30stripes about two inches
31broad and sold them
327 for meal and manioc
33as we went along - As
34we came nearer Angola
35we found them of less
36value as the people
37there possess cattle themselves
The village on the
39Kweelo at which we spent
40
0011
110
2 Sunday was that of a civil
3lively old man called
4Sakandala - who presented
5no objection to our progress
6We found we should soon were entering
7on the territory of the
8Bashinje, (Chinge of the Portuguese)
9 who are mixed with
10Bangala another
[tribe] people named Bangala
11
[which] who have been at war
12with the Babindele or
13Portuguese - Rains and
14fever as usual helped to
15impede our progress untill
16we were put on the
17path which leads from
18Cassange and Bihe to
19Matiamvo - by a head-man
20named Kamboela - This
21was a well beaten foot
22path and soon after
23entering upon it we
24met a party of half
25cross breed traders from
26Bihe who confirmed
27the information we
28had already got of
298 this path leading
30straight through to
31Cassange to w through
32which they had come
33on their way from
34Bihe to Cabango - They
35kindly presented my
36men with some tobacco
0012
111
2and marvelled greatly when
3they found that I had
4never been able to teach
5myself to smoke - On parting
6with them we came to
7a traders grave - This was
8marked by a huge cone
9of wood placed in the
10form of the roof of a
11hut with a pas
{l}lisade
12all
{a}rround it - At the an
13opening on the Western
14side an ugly idol was
15placed and several
16strings of beads and
17bits of cloth were
18hung around - We learned
19that he had been a cross
20breed who had died on
21his way back from
22Matiamvo
As we ^ were now alone
24and sure of being on the
25way to the abodes of
26civilization we went
27 on briskly - We came
28o
{O}n the 30th to a sudden
29descent from the highland
309 indented by deep narrow
31valleys over which
32we had lately been
33travelling - It is generally
34so steep that it can only
35be descended at particular
36points and even there
0013
112
2I was obliged to dismount
3though so weak I had to be
4led by my companions
5to prevent my toppling over
6in walking down - It was
7annoying to feel myself
8so helpless for I never
9liked to see a man either
10sick or well giving in
11effeminately - Below us
12lay the valley of the Quango -
13If you sit on the spot
14where Mary Queen of
15Scots viewed the battle
16of Langside and look
17down on the vale of
18Clyde you may see
19in miniature the
20glorious sight which
21a much greater ^ & richer valley
22presented to our view
23It is ^
[about] a forest hundred miles broad
24covered generally with
25
[dark ^] forest except by where
26the broad
[light green
27grass covered]
meadow
28lands on the Quango
29which here and there
30glances out in the sun
31as it wends its way
3210to the North – The opposite
33side of this great valley
34appears like a range
35of lofty mountains
36and the descent into it
0014
113
2about a mile long which
3measured perpendicularly
4may be abo
{fr}om a thousand
5to fifteen hun twelve hundred
6feet in perpendicular height
7Emerging from the
8gloomy forest of Londa
9this magnificent prospect
10made us all feel as
11if a weight had been
12lifted off our eyelids
13A cloud was passing
14accross the middle of
15the valley from which
16rolling thunder pealed while
17above all was glorious
18sunlight and when we
19went down to the part
20where we saw it passing
21we found that a very
22heavy thunder shower had
23fallen under the path
24of the cloud – and the bottom
25of the valley which from
26above seemed quite
27smooth is we discovered
28to be intersected & furrowed
29by great numbers of
30deep cut streams – Looking
31back from below
3211 The descent appears as
33the edge of a table land
34with numerous indented
35dells and spurs are jutting
0015
114
2out all along giving it a
3serrated appearance - Both
4top & sides of the sierra
5are covered with trees
6but large patches of the
7more perpendicular parts
8are bare and exhibit
9the red soil which is
10general over the region
11we have now entered
The top of the
This hollow affords a
14section of the part of the
15country and we find that
16the uppermost stratum is
17the ferruginious conglomerate
18The matrix is rust of iron
19and in it are embedded water
20worn pebbles of sandstone
21and quartz - As this is
22the rock underlying the
23soil of a large part of
24Londa its formation
25must have preceded the
26work of denudation
27which hol washed away
28the enormous mass
29of matter required before
30the valley of Cassange
3112 could assume its
32present form - The
33strata under the conglomerate
34are all of red clay slate
35of different degrees of
36hardness the mose
{t}
0016
115
2indurated being at the bottom -
3The red clay slate is named
4Keele in Scotland and has
5always been considered
6as an indication of gold -
7but the only thing we dis-
8-covered was it cannot
9it had given rise to a very
10slippery clay soil veryso different
11from that which we
12had just left that several
13Mashauana who always
14prided himself on being
15an adept at balancing
16himself in the canoe on
17water and so sure of foot
18on land that he could afford
19to express contempt for
20anyone less gifted, came
21down in a very sudden
22and undigniffied manner
23to the delight of all whom
24he had previously scolded
25for falling -
Here we met with the
2713 Bamboos as thick as a
28man's arm - and many
29new trees - others which
30we had lost sight of
31Shinte's since leaving Shinte's
32now reappeared - but
33nothing struck us more
34than the comparative
35scragginess of the trees
36in this hollow - Those
0017
116
2on the high lands we had
3left were tall and straight
4here they were stunted and
5not by any means so
6closely planted together - The
7only way I could account
8for it
{ths} was by supposing
9as the trees were different
10
[species ^ ] that the greater altitude suited
11the nature of those above
12than
{better} than the lower
1314 altitude did the other species
14below -
Mead
[Sunday 2d] April - We rested beside
16a small stream where we
17slaughtered the last spare and
18our hunger being now very
19severe
[from having
20lived on
21manioc ^ alone, since
22leaving Ionga
23Panza's - we]
slaughtered one of
24our four remaining oxen
[The people of
25this district
26seem to feel
27the craving for
28animal food
29as much as we
30did for they
31spend much
32energy in digging
33large white
34larvae out of
35the damps
36soil adjacent
37to their streams
38and use them as a relish for their vegetable diet]
39The Bashinjé refused to
40sell any food for the
41poor old ornaments
42my men had now to offer
43We could get neither meal
44nor manioc but would
45have been comfortable had
46not the Bashinje chief
47Sansáwé pestered us for the
48customary present - The
49native traders informed
50us that a display of force
51was often necessary
52before they could pass
53this man - so we
Sansawe the chif
{e}f of a
3portion of the Bashinje s
{h}aving
4sent the usual formal
5demand ofor a man an ox
6or a tusk and spoke very
7contemptuously of the poor
8things we offered him
9instead - We shewed his
10
[messengers] people that we had nothing
11else to offer - Everything
12was gone except my
13instruments which could
14be of no use to them whatever
15One of them begged some
16meat and when it was
17refused said to my men
18you may as well give it
19for we shall take it all
20
[after] when we have killed you
21tomorrow - The more humbly
22we spoke the more insolent
23the Bashinje became, till
24at last we were all
25feeling savage and sulky
26 In the evening we
27were visited by Sansawe
2815 him but continued to speak
29as civilly as we could
30They are fond of argument
31and when we den I denied
32their right to demand tribute
33from a white man who
34did not trade in slaves
35an old white headed negro
0019
118
2put rather a posing question
3"You know that God has
4placed chiefs amongs us
5whom we ought to honour
6and support, [ ] you say
7that you who have a book
8which tells you his will
9h
{H}ow is it that you
10who have a book that tells
11you about him do not
12come forward at once
13to pay this chief tribute
14like every one else? I
15replied by asking How
16could I know that this
17was a chief - who had
18allowed me to remain
19a day & a half near him
20without giving me anything
21to eat - ? This which
22to the uninti
{it}iated may
23seem sophistry is
{was} to thes
24central Africans quite
25a rational question for
26274 he at once add
{m}itted
27that food ought to have
28been sent and added that
2916 probably his chief was
30only making it ready
31for me and that it
32would soon come
After being wearied
34by talking all day
35wito different parties sent
0020
119
2by Sansawe we were honoured
3by a visit from himself
4W
{H}e is quite a young man
5and of rather a pleasing
6countenance - There cannot
7have been much intercourse
8between real Portuguese
9and these people even here
10so close to the Quango for
11Sansawe asked me to
12shew him my hair as
{on}
13the ground that though
14he had heard of it and
15some had even passed
16through his country he
17had never seen it
18straight hair before - This
19is quite possible as
20most of the slave
21traders are not Portuguese
22but cross-breeds - , The
23difference between their
24wool and our hair
25caused him to burst into
26a laughs and the contrast
27between the exposed
2817 and unexposed parts
29of my skin seem to
30strike him when
31exhibited in evidence
32of our all being made
33of one stock originally
34& were all the children
35of one Maker seemed
0021
120
2to strike him and
{w}ith awe,
3wonder, I then shewed him
4my watch and wished to
5win my way into his
6confidence by conversation
7but when about to
8exhibit my pocket compass
9he desired me to desist
10as he was afraid of my
11wonderful things - I told
12him if he had known
13me
{y} ^ aims as the tribes in the
14Interior had done did and
15 as I hoped he would yet
16know me
{them} & me he
17would have been glad to
18
[stay &] to see evenalso the pictures
19of the Magic Lantern - but
20as it was now getting
21dark he had evidently
22got enough of my witchery
23and began to use some
24charms to dispel any
25kindly feelings he may
26have felt stealing round
27his heart - He asked leave
28to go and when his
2918 party moved off a little
30way he sent for my
31head spokesman spokesman
32and told him that "if
33I
{we} did not add a red jacket
34and a man to our gift
35of a few copper rings &
36a few pounds of meat"
0022
121
2I observed my companions
3remark in their own tongue in answer to
4threats of attack with clenched
5teeth "that's what we want"
6"only begin then" - or with
7clenched teeth they would
8exclaim to each other
9"these slaves things have never
10travelled and do not know
11what men are" - The
12worrying of which I give
13only a slight sketch had
14considerable influence
15on my own mind - The
16more especially as it
17was impossible now
18to make any allowance
19for the Bashinje such
20as we I was willing
21to award to the Chiboque
22They saw ^ that we had nothing
23to give nor would they
24be benefitted in the least
25by enforcing the impudent
26order to return whence
27we had come - They were
28adding insult to injury
29and this put us all
3020 into a fighting spirit which
31as far as and as nearly
32as we could judge we
33expected to be obliged to
34cut our way through the
35Bashinje next morning.
The Quango is said ^ by the natives to con-
3-tain many venomous
[22]
4water snakes which
5congregate near the
6carcase of any hippopotamus
7that may be killed in
8it - If this is true it
9will account for all
10the villages we saw
11being situated far from
12its banks - We were
13advised to not to sleep
14near it but as we were
15anxious to cross to
16the W^
[w] estern side we tried
17to induce some of the
18Bashinje to lend us
19canoes for the purpose
20This brought out the chief
21of these parts who informed
22us that all the canoe men
23were his children and nothing
24could be done without
25him
{s} authority - He then
26made the ^usual demand for a
27man, ^ an ox, or a gun adding
28that without
[otherwise
29one of]
^ these we
30must return to the country
31from which we had
32come - As I did not believe
33this man had any power
3423 over the canoes of the
35other side and suspected
36that if I gave him my
0024
123
2blanket the only thing I now
3had in reserve - he might
4leave us in the lurch after
5all - I tried to persuade my
6men to go at once to the
7banks
[about two
8miles off]
and have obtain
9possession of the canoes
10before we gave up the
11blanket but they thought
12that he mig this chief
13might attack us in
14the act of crossing
15
[should we do so] if we did so - The chief
16came himself to our
17encampment and made
18his demand again - My
19men stripped off the last
20of their copper rings
21and gave them - but
22he was still intent on a
23man - He thought as
24others did that my
25men were slaves - He
26was a young man with
27his wooly hair elaborately
28dressed - That behind was
2924 made up into a cone about
30eight inches in diameter
31at the base - carefully wound
32
[swathed] round with red and black
33thread - As I resisted the
34proposal to deliver up my
35blanket untill I had they had
36placed us on the W^
[w] estern
37bank this chief continued
0025
124
2to worry us with his demands
3till I was tired but my
4little tent ^ was now in tatters
5and having a wider hole
6behind than the door in front
7I in vain I tried to
8lie down out of sight of
9our persecutors - We
10were on a reedy flat
11and I could not follow
12
[our]
our my usual plan of a
13small stockade
[in which] where
14we had time to think
15& concoct our plans
16As I was trying to persuade
17my men to move on
18in spite of these people to
19the bank a young half
20
[breed] blood Portuguese sergeant
21of militia, Cypriano di
22Abreu made his appearance
23and gave the same advice
24He had come across the
25Quango in search of bees-
26wax and assisted us in
27making our arrangement
2825 with the ferryman without
29parting with my blanket
When we moved off
31from this
{e} chief who had
32been plaguing us his people
33opened a fire against
34
[from] ^ our sheds and continued
35to blaze away some time
36in the our direction we were
37 going
0026
125
2but none of the bullets reached
3us - It is probable that they
4expected the demonstration
5of the abundance of ammunition
6they possessed would
7make us run but when
8we continued to move
9quietly to the ford they
10proceeded no farther
11than our sleeping place.
Cypriano assisted us
13in making a more satisfactory
14arrangement with the ferrymen
15than parting with my
16blanket and as soon
17as we reached the opposite
18Bangala bank we were in the
19territory of the Bangala
20who are subjects of
21the Portuguese
[and often
22spoken of as
23the Cassanges
24or Cassantse]
and happily
25all our difficulties with
26the border tribes were
27at an end -
Passing with light
29hearts alo
{thr}ough the high
30grass for
{by} a narrow
31footpath for about three
32miles to the wWest of the
3326 river we came to several
34neat square houses
35and many cleanly looking
36haf cross brea
{e}d Portuguese
37standing in front of to
{th}em
38
[to] salute us - They are all
0027
126
2enrolled in the Militia and
3our friend Cypriano is
4the commander of a
5division established here -
6The Bangala were very
7troublesome to the Portuguese
8traders and at last pro-
9-ceeded so far as to kill
10one of them when the
11Government of Angola
12at last sent an expedition
13against them - which
14being successful the
15Bangala were dispersed
16and are now returning
17to their former abodes
18The militia are settled
19over them and engage
20in trade and cultivation ^
[agriculture]
21for their support as no
22pay is given to this
23branch of the service
24by the Government
We came to the dwelling
26of Cypriano after it was
27dark and I pitched my
28little tent in front of it
2927 for the night - We had
30the company of mosquitoes
31here though they do not
32We never found them
33troublesome on the
34banks of the pure streams
35of Lŏnda - On the morning
0028
1 27
2a small cyclopaedia and a
3Portuguese dictionary - in which
4the definition of a "Priest"
5
[seemed] ^ sounded ^ rather strange to a Protestant
6viz - "one who takes care of the
7conscience" - They had also
8a few tracts containing the
9lives of the saints and Cypriano
10had a few small images
11of saints in wax in his room
12One of these was St Ant^hony
13and a who had he endured
14the privations he did in
15his cell in looking after
16these lost sheep would
17have lived to better purpose
18Neither Cypriano nor
19his companions knew
20what the b
{B}ible was
[but they had
21relics in german
22silver cases hung
23round their necks
24to act as charms
25& save them from
26danger by land or
27by water in the
28same way the
29heathen have medicines]
- It is
30a pity that the Church to
31which they belong when
32unable to attend to the
33wants of her children
34does not give them the
35sacred writings in their
36own tongue for it would
37surely be better to see
38them good protestants
[if these would
39lead them
40to be so]
than
4129
[to be] idolators - entirely ignorant
42of God's message to man.
43For my part I would much
44prefer to see the Africans
45good Roman Catholics than
46idolatrous heathen
28
2Much of the civility shewn to
3us here was no doubt owing
4to the flattering letters of
5recommendation I carried
6from the Chevalier Du Prat
7of Cape t^
[T] own but I am
8inclined to believe that my
9
[friend] Cypriano was influenced
10too by feelings of genuine
11kindness for he quite
12bared his garden in
13feeding us during the
14few days which I remained
15anxiously expecting
16the clouds to disperse
17so far as to allow of
18my taking observations
19for the determination
20Quango of my the position ^ of the Quango but
21the only the latitude could
22be 9°, 50' South could be
23ascertained but he
[slaughtered an
24ox for us
25and]
furnished
26his mother and her maids
27with manioc roots to
2830 prepare "farina' for f
29(farinha) for the four or
30five days of our journey
31Cassangé to Cassange -
[and never
32hinted even
33at payment -
34My wretched
35appearance must
36have excited
37his compassion]
The farina
38is prepared by washing the
39roots well then rasping
40them down to a pulp -
41Next day this is roasted
42slightly on a metal plate
43over a fire and is then
44used with meat as a vegetable
0030
129
2It resembles closely wood sawings
3and on that account is
4named ("wood meal" It is
5insipid and employed to
6lick up any gravy remaining
7on th
{on}e's plate - Those who
8have become accustomed
9to it relish it even after
10they have returned to Europe
Den.tt. The manioc cultivated here
12is of the sweet variety
13The bitter with which were
14
[were] are accustomed in Londa,
15is not to be found very
16extensively in this fertile
17valley -
[May is] This was the beginning
18of winter here, yet th
{m}any
19of the inhabitants were
20busy sowing
[planting] maize, - that
21which we were now
22eating was planted in in the
23
[beginning of
24beginning of]
February - The soil is
25exceedingly fertile, and of
26a dark red colour, -
2731 and covered with such
28a dense heavy crop of
29coarse grass, that while ^
[when]
30a marauding party of
31Ambonda once came
32into it for plunder while
33it was in a dried state
34the Bangala encircled
35them ^
[Am
{common enemy}] with a fire which
36completely destroyed them -
30
2This which is rea
{l}ated on the
3authority of Portuguese who
4were then in the country
5I can r
{e}asily believe to
6be true for the stalks of
7the grass are generally
8as thick as goose quills,
9and no flight could
10be made through the
11mass of grass in any
12direction where no
13foot-path exists - Probably
14in the case mentioned,
15the direction of the wind
16dr was such as to drive
17the flames accross
18the paths and prevent
19
[escape] flight ^ along them -
On one occasion
21I nearly lost my waggon
22by fire in a valley
23where the grass was
24only about three feet
25high - We were roused
2632 by the roar ^ as of as torrent
27made by the fire
28coming from the windward,
29I immediately set fire to
30that on our leeward,
31and had just time to
32drag the waggon on to
33the bare space there,
34before the windward
35flames reached the
36place where it had stood
0032
131
2
[which] as ˄ the individuals are who
3commit a petty depradation
4in order to obtain the
5shelter and food of a
6prison, I gladly accompanied
7Senhor de
7Silva Rego
him to the house of the
8Commandant or Chefe
9
[Senhor de] Silva Rego - Having shewn
10my passport to this gentlemen
11he politely asked me to
12supper, with him and as
13we had
[eaten nothing
14except the
15farina]
eaten nothing but only the farinh
{a}
16only of Cypriano from the
17Quango to this, I suspect
18I appeared particularly
19ravenous to the other
20gentlemen around the table
21They seemed, however,
22to understand my position
23pretty well from having
24all travelled pretty extensively
25themselves; -
[had they] If they had
26not been present I might
27have put some in my
28pocket to eat by night,
29for after fever the
30appetite is excessively
3134 keen, - and manioc is
32one of the most unsatisfying
33kinds of food - Captain
34Antonio Rodrigues Neves
35then ˄ kindly invited me to take
36up my abode in his
37house - Next morning
38this generous man arrayed
0033
132
2
[me] in decent clothing, and con-
3-tinued during the whole
4period of my stay to treat
5me as if I had been
6his brother - I feel deeply
7grateful to him for his
8disinterested kindness, - for
9he not only attended to
10my wants, but ^ also furnished
11food for my famishing
12party - free of charge -
The village Cassangé
15is composed of a number
16thirty or forty traders
17houses, which are large
18and and scattered about
[without any regularity]
19on an elevated spot flat
20spot in the great Quango
21or Cassange valley without
22any regularity - They
23are built of wattle and
24daub, and surrounded
25by plantations of manioc,
26maize &c - Behind
2735 them there are usually
28g ktc
{it}chen gardens, in
29which the common
30European vegetable,
31 pla
{as} potatoes, peas,
32caba
{b}ages, onions - Tomatoes
33&c &c - grow - Guavas &
34bananas and pine apples
35appear, ^ from the size & abundance of the trees, to have been,
0034
133
2to have been introduced
3many years ago while
4the land was still in
5the possession of the
6natives - but pine apples,
7orange, trees - fig - trees
8and cashew s
{t}rees seem
{ha}ve been
9but lately been tried - There
10are about forty Portuguese
11traders in this district,
12all of whom are officers
13in the militia, and many
14of them have become
15rich from the adopting
16the plan of sending out
17Pombeiros, or native traders,
18with large quantities of
19goods, to trade in the
20more remote parts of
21the country; - Several Governors
22of
[some of the
23Governors of
24Loanda,
25the capital of this, the
26Kingdom
27of Angola,]
Angola have insisted
28on the observance of
29a law which forbids from
30^ motives of humanity
31the Portuguese themselves
32from passing beyond
33the boundary. of the
34kingdom They seem to
35have taken it for granted,
3636 that in cases where the
37white trader was killed,
38the agr
{g}ression had been
39made by him, and they
40wished to avoid the
41necessity of punishing the
42those who had shot been provok
0035
134
2provoked to shed Portuguese
3blood - This indicates
4a much greater liberality
5of mind than has obtained
6in our ^ own dealings with the
7Caffres for we have
8engaged in most expensive
9wars with them without
10once enquiring whether any
11
[or perhaps all] of the fault lay with
12ourselves
[our frontier colonists] - The Cassangé
13traders seem inclined to
14spread along the Quango
15in spite of the desire of
16their government to
17keep them on one spot
18for mutual protection
19in case of war - and
20if I might judge from
21the week of feasting
22I passed among them
23they seem are generally
24prosperous -
Wheeler As I always preferred
26to appear in my own
2737 proper character I was
28an object of their curiosity
29of these hospitable Portuguese
30They evidently looked upon
31me as an emissary
[agent]
32of the English Government
33engaged in some new
34movement for the suppression
35
[of slavery ^] and ^ They could not divine what
0036
135
2a "missionar^ioy" had to do
3with the Latitudes and
4Longitudes which I was
5intent ofn observing,
6When we became a little
7familiar the questions put
8by them were rather amusing
9"Is it common for missionaries
10to be doctors? Are you a
[doctor of medicine?] do^uctor
11of medicinae
{o} and a "doutor
12of mathematico" too - ? You
13must be more than a
14missionary to know how
15to take
{ca}lculate the Longitude!
16Come tell us at once what
17rank you hold in the
18English army! They m
{They} may
19have given credit to
20my explanation of the
21reasons for wearing
22the moustache
[as that explains
23why men
24have beards
25and women
26have none]
but that
27which puzzled many
28besides my Cassangé
29friends was the anomaly
30of my being a "sacerdote"
31with a wife & four
32children! I usually got
3338 rid of the tha
{e}t ^ last question by
34putting another "Is it not
35better to have the wife
36with the children than
37with the wife the
{a} a wife and
38children than to have the
39children without a wife?"
0037
136
2But all were most kind
3and hospitable and as
4one of their festivals was
5near they invited me to
6partake of the feast -
The Anniversary of the
9resurrection of our Saviour
10was observed on the 16th April
11as a day of rejoicing
12though the Portuguese
13have no priests at
14Cassangé - The coloured
15population dressed up a
16figure intended to represent
17Judas Iscariot and paraded
18him
[on a riding ox] about the village;
19sneers and maledictions
20were freely bestowed on
21thus the poor wretch ^ thus represented -
22The slaves and free coloured
23population
[dressed in
24their gayest
25clothing]
made visits
26to all the principal merchants
27and wishing them "a good
28feast" expected a present
29in return - This wa
{t}hough
30frequently given in pi
{granted}
3139 in the shape of pieces of
32calico to make new
33dresses - was occasionally
34refused but the rebuffs
35did not much affect
36the petitioner -
37
2At ten we went to the residence
3of the Commandant and
4on a signal being given
5two of the bra
{four} brass guns
6belonging to the Government
7were commenced firing
8& continued some time to
9the great admiration of my
10men - whose ideas of the
11
[power of a] cannon are very exalted,
12The Portuguese flag was
13hoisted and trumpets
14sounded as an expression
15of joy at the resurrection
16of our Lord - Captain
17Neves invited all the
18principalit inhabitants
19of the place, and he
20did what he coul
{l}d
21to feast them in a
22princely style - All manner
23of foreign preserved
[fruits - biscuits
24wine beer
25& wine from
26Portugal - biscuits
27from America
28butter from
29Cork and
30beer from
31England]
were
32displayed and no expense
33spared in rendering render the
34entertainment joyous,
35and ˄ Aafter the feast was
36over they sat down
37to the common ente
{am}usement
38of card-playing which
39continued till eleven
40oclock - As far as a
41mere traveller could judge
42they seemed to be plolite
4340 and willing to aid each other
38
2They live in a febrile district
3and many of them had
4enlarged spleens - they
5have no ^
[neither] doctor nor
6apothecary nor school
7nor priest and when
8taken ill trust to each
9other and to Providence -
10
[As] Like men left in such
11circumstances must
12think for themselves
13they have all a good
14idea of what ought to
15be done in the common
16diseases of the country
17and what they have
18of either medicine or
19skill they freely impart
20to each other.
Not one of these
22gentlemen had Portuguese
23wives - They usually come
24to Africa in order to make
25a little money and return
26to Lisbon - Hence they seldom
27bring their wives with
28them
[and never
29can be
30successful
31colonists in
32consequence]
but i
{I}t is common
33for them to have families
34by native women - It
35was particularly gratifying
36to me who had beenam familiar
37with the stupid prejudice
3841 against colour, entertained
39only by those who are
40themselves becoming tawny
0040
139
2to view the liberality with
3which people of colour
4were treated by the Portuguese
5Instances in which
6
[cross breed ^] children of are abandoned,
7 so common in the
8south, is
{are} here extremely
9rare - They are acknowledged
10by their fathers and at
11
[at] table and provided for
12by their fathers as if
13European - The ^ coloured clerks
14of the merchants sat at
15the same table with
16their employers without
17any embarassment - The
18kind deport civil manners
19of superiors to inferiors
20is probably the result
21of the position they occupy
22a few whites among
23thousands of blacks but
24nowhere else in Africa
25is there so much good
26will between Europeans
27and natives as here -
28If certain border ^ some border English colonists had
29
[the absolute] the certainty of ^ our Government
30declining to bear them
31out in their arrogance
32we should probably he
3342 hear less of Caffre grievances
34insolence elsewhere - It is
35insolence which begets insolence
Mead From the village of Cassangé
3we have a good view
4of the surrounding country -
5It is a gently undulating
6plain covered with grass
7and patches of Forest -
8The western edge of this
{e}
9Quango valley ab
{p}pears
10tw about twenty miles
11off as if it were a
12range of lofty mountains
13and passes by the name
14of Tala Mungongo "behold
15the range" - In mythe old
16
[Portuguese] map to which I had
17been trusting in planning
18my route it is indicated
19 as Talla Mugongo or "Castle of
20rocks"! and the Coanza
21is put down as rising
22therefrom but here I was
23assured that the Coanza
24had its source near
25Bihe far to our the South
26West of this and we
27should not see that river
28till we were came near
2943 Pungo Andongo - It is somewhat
30remarkable that more accurate
31information has not been
32
[published] given about this country,
33for Captain Neves & others
34had an accurate ^ correct idea of
35the courses the
{of} the rivers and
36communicated their knowledge
0042
1 41
2freely yet about this time
3maps were sent to Europe
4representing the Quango and
5Coanza as the same
6river and Cassangé placed
7about one hundred miles
8
[distant] from its true position
9The frequent recurrence
10of the same name has
11probably helped to increase
12the confusion - I have
13crossed several Quangos
14but all insignificant except
15that to which drains
16this valley - The repitition
17of the ^ favourite names of chiefs ^ as Catendé is
18also perplexing one Catende
19 for instance may be ...
20mistaken for another
21
for another as readily as
22
[one20 Donal MacDonald is
23the ^ same Highland Regent]
our two Sir Charles Napiers
24for each other - To avoid
25this confusion as much
26as possible I have refrained
27from introducing many names,
28
[Numerous] A great mannumber of villages
29are studded all over the valley
3044 but these possess no
31permanence - and many
32more existed previous
33 to the ^
[Portuguese] expedition of 1850 to
34punish the Bangala - They
35
[The people ^] were now gradually
36returning to their former
37abodes -
This valley as I have
3before remarked is all
4fertile in the extreme - My
5men could never cease
6admiring its capability for
7yielding corn raising their
8corn (holcus sorghum) and
9despising the comparatively
10limited cultivation of
11the inhabitants - The Portuguese
12informed me that no
13manure is ever needed
14but that the more the ground
15is tilled the better it
16yields - Virgin soil does
17not give such a heavy
18crop as an old garden
19and judging from the
20size of the maize and
21manioc in the latter
22I can readily believe the
23statement - Cattle do well
24R too But ^viewing the
25valley as a whole it
26may be said that its
27agricultural and pastoral
2845 riches are lying waste -
29Both the Portuguese and their
30descendants turn their
31attention almost exclusively
32to trade in wax and ivory
33and though this country
34would produceyield any
35amount of corn and dairy-
36 produce
0044
143
2the native Portuguese live chiefly
3on manioc - and and the
4Europeans purchase their
5flour bread butter & cheese
6from the Americans
As the traders of Cassange
9were the first white
10men we had come to
11we sold the tusks belonging
12to Sekeletu which we
13had been brought to test
14the difference of prices
15between in the Makololo
16and white men's country
17The result was highly
18satisfactory to my
19companions as the
20Portuguese give much
21larger prices for ivory
22than traders from the
23Cape
[who having the
24who labouring
25under the disadvantage
26of considerable
27overland]
whose with considerable overland
28expenses
[&ruinous
29restrictions]
are enormous
30can possibly give - Two
31muskets, three small
32barrels of gunpowder and
33English calico and baize
3446 sufficient to clother my
35whole party with a large
36bunches of beads
[all for one
37tusk]
were
38quite delightful for those
39who had been accustomed
40to give two tusks for one
41gun - With the other three
42
[another] tusks we purchasedprocured calico
0045
1XXXVIII - 373-388 1 44
2which here is the chief currency
3and money to pay our way
4down to the coast - The
5remaining two were sold for
6money to purchase a horse
760 lines for Sekeletu at Loanda -
Powell The superiority of this new
9market was quite astounding
10to my companions and
11281 they began to abuse the
12traders by whom they had
13^
[while in their
14in their own
{own country}
15country]
been visited and as they
16now declared "cheated" They
17have
{d} no idea of the value
18of time
[and carriage] and it was somewhat
19difficult for me to convince
20them that the reason of
21the difference was
{of} prices
22lay entirely in what they
23themselves had done in coming
24here, and that if the Portuguese
25should carry goods to their
26country they would by
27no means be so liberal in
28their prices - They imagined
29that if the Cassange, traders
30Linyanti came to Linyanti they
31would continue to vend at
32
[vend their
33goods at]
Cassange prices - I believe
34I gave them at last a
35clear idea of the manner
36in which prices were
37regulated by the expenses
38incurred and th
{w}hen we
39went to Loanda and saw
0046
12 45
2goods delivered at a still cheaper
3rate they concluded that
4it would better for them to
5come to that city than go to
6to turn ^
[homewards] at Cassange -
It was interesting for me
8to observe the effects of the
9restrictive policy pursued
10by the Cape Government
11towards the Bechuanas -
12Like all other restrictions
13on trade, that ^ the law of preventing
14friendly tribes from purchasing
15arms and ammunition
16only injures the men who
17make them enforce it - The
18Cape Government
[as already
19observed]
in order to
20gratify a company of independant
21Boers whose well known
22prediliction for the practice
23of slavery caused them to desire
24
[stipulate ^] that a number of peaceable
25honest tribes ^ should be kept defenceless,
26agreed to allow free trade in
27arms and ammunition
28to the Boers, and prevent the
29
[same ^] trade to the Bechuanas - The
30Cape Government thereby
31unintentionally aided the Boers
32to enslave the natives - But
33arms and ammunition
34flow in on all sides by
35new channels, and where
36formerly the price of ^ onea large
0047
13 46
2tusk procured but one musket
3one
{and} one a such tusk of the same
4size brings ten guns - The
5profits are reaped by other
6nations and the only
7persons really the losers
8in the long run are our
9own Cape merchants and
10a few defenceless tribes
11of be
{B}echuanas on our
12immediate frontier -
Mr Reego the Commandant
15very handsomely offered me a
16guard of a soldier to Ambaca
17My men told me that they
18had been thinking it would
19be better to turn back here
20as they had been informed
21by the people of colour at
22Cassange that I was taking
23
[leading ^] them down to the sea coast
24
[only ^] to sell them and they
25would be taken on board
26ship and fattened and eaten
27as the white men were
28cannibals - I asked if they
29had ever heard of an Englishman
30buying or selling people - If
31I had not refused to take
32a slave when she was offered
33to me by Shinte - but as
34I had always behaved as an
35
[English] teacher if they now doubted
36my intentions they had
0048
14 47
2
[better] not go to the coast - I however
3who expected to meet some
4of my countrymen there was
5determined to go on They
6replied that they only thought
7it right to tell me what
8had been told them but
9they did not intend to leave
10me - and would follow where-
11ever I went
{to} should lead
12
the way - This affair being
13disposed of for the time
14the Commandant gave
15them an ox and having
16
[gave] invited me to as a friendly
17dinner before parting
18All the merchants of
19Cassange accompanied
20us in their hammocks
21carried by slaves to the
22edge of the plateau on
23which their village stands
24and I
{we} parted I feeling that
25I should never forget
26their disinterested kindness
27They not only did every
28thing they could to make
29
[my men &] me comfortable during my
30stay but there being no
31Hotels in Loanda they
32gave me letters of recommendation
33to their friends in that city
34to recieve me into their
35houses - for without these
36a stranger might find himself a
0049
15 48
2lodger in the streets - May God
3remember them in their day of
4need -
The Latitude and Longitude
7of Cassange the most Easterly
8station of the Portuguese
9in Western Africa is Lat - 9° 37'
10South - and Long - 17° 43'
11Powell East - consequently we had
12still about 300 miles
13282 to traverse before we could
14reach the coast - We had
15a soldier
[a black
16Militia
17corporal]
as a guide - A He was a
18native of Ambaca who and
19as ^ like nearly all the inhabitants
20of that district passing
21
[known] by the name Ambacistas
22could both read and write,
23He had three slaves with
24him and was carried by
25
[them in ^] a "Tipoia" or hammock
26slung to a pole - His slaves
27were young and unable
28to convey him far at a time
29but he was considerate
30enough to walk always
31except when we came
32near a village - He
33then mounted his tipoia
34and entered the village in
35state his departure was
36made in the same manner
37and he continued in it till
38the village was out of sight
0050
16 49
2It was interesting to observe
3the manners of our soldier
4guide - Two slaves were
5always employed in carrying
6his tipoia & the ^ third carried a
7wooden box about three
8feet long containing his
9writing materials and
10dishes and clothing - He
11was cleanly in all his ways
12
[but quite black] ^
and when he scolded any
13one of his own black
14colour abused him as a
15"negro" - When he wanted
16to purchase any article
17from a village he would
18sit down, mix a little
19gun powder as ink and
20write a note ^ for it in a neat
21hand
[to ask the price] and addressed it to
22the shop keeper by with the rather
23pompous title "Illustrissimo
24Senhor" - Most Illustrious Sir -
25This is the invariable style
26
[mode] ^ of address throughout
27Angola - The answer
28returned would be in the
29same style and if satisfactory
30another note followed,
31There is so much of this
32note correspondence
33carried on in Angola that
34a very large quantity of note
35paper is annually consumed
0051
17 50
2Some other peculiarities of our
3guide were not so pleasing
4A land of slaves is a bad
5school for even the free -
6and we were sorry to find
7less truthfulness and honesty
8in him than in my own
9people - We were often cheated
10through his connivance
11with the sellers of food
12and could percieve that
13he got a share of the
14plunder from them - The
15food is very cheap but
16it was generally made dear
17enough untill I refused
18to allow him to come
19near the place where
20we were bargaining - But
21he took us safely down
22to Ambaca and I was
23glad to see on my return
24to Cassange that his
{e}
25was promoted to be
26sergeant major of a
27company of militia
Having left Cassange
29on the 21st we passed
30across the remaining portion
31of this excessively fertile
32valley to the foot of Tala
33Mungonga - We crossed a
34fine little stream called the
35Lui on the 22 - and another
0052
18 51
2named the Luare on the 24th
3then slept at the bottom
4of the ^ heightascent which
5is about from a thousand
6a thousand to fifteen hundred
7feet - The clouds came
8floating along the valley
9and broke against the
10sides of the ascent and
11the dripping rain on the
12tall grass made the slaps
13in the face ^ it gave when the
14hand ^ or a stick was not held
15up ^
[before it] anything but agreeable
16This edge of the valley is
17exactly like the other
18jutting spurs and defiles
19give the red ascent the
20same ^
[serrated] appearance as that
21we descended bef
{fr}om the
22highlands of Londa - The
23whole of this vast valley
24has been removed by
25denudation for pieces of
26plateau which once
27filled the now cevacant
28space stand in it and
29present the same structure
30of red horizontal strata
31of the same altitudes
32as that we are now
33about to ascend - One
34of these named Kasala
35bore E - S - E - from the
36place where we made our
0053
19 52
2exit from the valley - and
3about ten miles W - S - W - from
4the village of Cassange It
5is remarkable as having
6such perpendicular sides
7that even the natives
8find it extremely difficult
9
[almost impossible to] obtain ^ reach it access to its
10
[summit] ^ top though there is the temptation
11of Marabou nests and
12the feathers which are
13highly prized - There is
14a small Lake reported
15to exist on its Southern
16end, and during the
17rainy season a sort of
18natural moat is formed
19around the bottom - What
20an acquisition this would
21have been in feudal
22times in England - Land
23sufficient for considerable
24cultivation on the top
25with almost perpendicular
26sides more than a thousand
27feet in height -
We had not yet got
29a clear idea of Tala
We had not yet got
31a clear idea of the nature
32of Tala Mungonga - a gentleman
33at Cassange described it as
34a range of very high
35mountains which ^ it would
0054
110 53
2
[occupy ^ take] four hours in the to climb ^ ascent -
3so though the rain and grass
4had wet us miserably we
5and I was suffering from
6an attack of fever got
7while observing by night
8for position of
9Cassange I eagerly commenced
10the ascent - The path was
11steep and slippery and
12
[D] deep gorges appear on each
13side of it leaving but
14a narrow path along certain
15sierra spurs of the sierra for
16the traveller but we
17accomplished the ascent
18in an hour - and when
19there found we had just
20got on to a table land
21similar to that we had
22left before we entered
23the great Quango valley
24
[We had come ^] and among lofty trees
25again one of these
26bearing a fruit about
27the size of a thirtytwo pounder
28is named Mononga zambi,
29We took a glance back to
30this most fertile valley
[which
31equals that
32of the Mississipi
33in fertility]
34and thought of the prodigious
35massesvast mass of material
36which had been scooped
37out and carried away
38in its formation - That
0055
111 54
2
[This] naturally led to ^ reflection on the countless
3ages required for the
4
[previous] formation and deposition
5of these
{s} same material (clay slate)
6Then of the rocks whose grinding
7
[abrasion] ^ down formed that untill
8the mind groews giddy in
9as
{t}tempting to ascend the
10steps which lead up through
11a portion of the Eternity
12before man - The different
13epochs of geology are
14like ^ its landmarks
[in that
15otherwise
16shoreless
17sea]
, in
{Our} own
18epoch is
{or} creation is but
19another added to the number
20of that wonderful series
21which presents a grand
22display of the mighty power
23of God - So far from
24this science having any
25tendency to make men
26undervalue the power or
27love of God it leads to
28the ^
[probability] idea that the display of
29mercy we have in th
30gift of his son may
31possibly not be the only
32manifestation of grace &
33
[love ^] which has taken place
34in the countless ages
35in which works of creation
36have been going on,
12 55
2Situated a few miles from
3the edge of the descent we
4found the village of
5Tala Mungonga and were
6kindly accommodated in
{w}ith
7a house to sleep in
8which ^ was very welcome
9foras ^ we were all both
10wet and cold - We found
11that the greater altitude &
12
[the approach
13of winter]
lowered the temperature
14so much that we many
15of my men suffered
16severely from colds - At
17this as at several other
18Portuguese stations they
19have been proov
{vi}dent
20enough f to erect travellers
21houses on the same principle
22as Khans or Caravanserai’s
23of the East - They are of
{bu}ilt
24of the usual wattle
25and daub and have
26benches of rods for the
27wayfarer to make his
28bed on - Also chairs &
29a table and a large jar
30of water - These w
{b}enches
31though far from luxurious
32couches were better than
33
[the ground under] my the rotten fragments of a
{m}y
34
[gypsey ^] tent for we had still
35showers occasionally and
36the dews were very heavy
37I continued to use them
0057
1
2
313 56
4for the sake of the shelter they
5afforded untill I found
6that they were lodgings for
7certain inconvenient bed
8-fellows
Powell 27th Five hours ride through
10a pleasant well country
11of forest and meadow like
12Londa ^
[brought us] to a village of Basongo
13a tribe living in subjection
14to the Portuguese - We crossed
15several little streams
16which were flowing
17in the Westerly direction
18in which we were marching
19to f
{and} unite to form
20Quize the Quize a feeder of the
21Coanza Coanza - The Basongo
22were very civil as
23indeed all the tribes
24a
{we}re who have
{d} been
25conquered by the Portuguese,
26The Basongo and Bangala
27are ^ yet only partially subdued
28The farther west we go
29go from this we
30find the black population
31less independant untill
32we reach the confines
33vicinity of Loanda where
34
[the free natives ^] they are nearly identical
35in their feelings towards the Government with the slaves
0058
114 57
2But the Govern^orsment of
3Angola wisely accepts the
4limited allegiance and
5tribute rendered by the
6more distant tribes as better
7than none -
All the inhabitants of
9this region as well as
10those of Londa may be
11called true negroes if the
12limitations formerly made
13be borne in mind - The
14dark colour, thick lips ^ flat, heads
15elongated backwards and
16upwards and covered with
17wool
[flat noses] and with other negro
18peculiarities are general
19but while these characteristics
20place them in the true negro
21family, the reader would
22imbibe a wrong idea did
23if he supposed that all
24these features ^ combined are often met
25with in one individual
26Thus
[All are
{have}
27a certain
28thickness
29& prominence
30of lips but,]
, many are met with
31in every village in whom
32thickness and projection
33of lips is n
{are} not more
34marked than in some
35Europeans - All are dark
36but that colour is shaded
37off in different individuals
38from deep black to light
39yellow - As we go Westwards
0059
115 58
2we observe the light colour
3predominating over the dark
4and then again when we
5come within the influence
6of damp from the sea
7air, we find the shade
8deepen again into the
9general blackness of
10the coast population,
11The shape of the head with
12its wooly crop though
13general is not universal
14The Caffre head The tribes
15on the Eastern side of the
16continent as the Caffres
17have heads finely
18developed and strongly
19European - Instances of
20this kind are so numerous
21frequently seen and I have
22after I became so
23familiar with the dark
24colour as to forget it
25in viewing the countenance
26I have been struck by
27the strong resemblances
28some personsnatives bore
29to certain of our own
30notabilities - The Bushmen
31and Hottentots are exceptions
32to these remarks for both
33the shape of their heads
34and growth of wool
35are peculiar - The latter
0060
116 59
2for instance fr
{s}prings from
3the scalp in tufts with
4bare spaces between and
5when the crop is short
6resembles a number of
7
[black] peppercorns stuck on the
8
[skin] - head, and very unlike
9the thick frizzly masses
10of
{w}hich cover the heads
11of the Balonda and Maravi
12With every disposition
13to pay due deference to
14the opinions of those
15who have made Ethnology
16their special study I
17have felt myself unable
18to believe that the
19exaggerated features usually
20put forth as those of
21the typical negro characterize
22any nation of south
23central Africa - The
24monuments of ^ the Ancient
25Egyptians seem to me
26to embody the ideal
27of the inhabitants of
28Londa better than the
29figures of any work
30of Ethnology I have met
31with -
Sunday 30th We spent at Ngio
3(pronounced Njeeo)
Passing through ^ the same fine
5fertile and well peopled
6Sanza country to Sanza we found
7the Quize again touching
8our path and here
9we had the pleasure of
10seeing a field of wheat
11growing luxuriantly without
12irrigation - The ears were
13
[upwards of] ^ four inches long and
14were an object of great
15curiosity to my companions
16because they had tasted
17my bread at Linyanti
18but had never before
19seen wheat growing.
20This small field was
21cultivated by Mr Miland
22an agreable Portuguese
23gmerchant - His garden
24was interesting as shewing
25what the land at this
26elevation is capable of
27ab
{yi}elding for besides
28wheat he had we
29saw European vegetables
30in a flourishing condition
31and we afterwards discovered
32that the coffee plant has
33propagated itself one
{on} certain
34
[spots] parts of this same district
35And It may be seen
0062
118 61
2on the heights of Tala Mungonga
3or nearly 300 miles from
4the West coast where it was
5first introduced by the
6Jesuit missionaries -
We spent Sunday 30th
8April at Ngio (soft g) Njeeo)
9close to the ford of the Quize
10The country becomes more
11open ^ but is still abundantly
12fertile
[with a
13thick crop
14of grass
15about
16between two
17and three
18feet high
19It is also]
and well wooded
20and watered - Villages of
21Basongo are dotted over
22the country ^ landscape and frequently
23a square houses of
24wattle and daub belonging
25to a native Portuguese
26are placed beside them
27for the purpose of trade
28The people here possess
29both cattle and pigs - The
30different sleeping places
31on our path are
{fr}om
32eight to ten miles apart
33are marked by a cluster
34of sheds made of sticks
35and grass - There is
36a constant stream
37of people going and
38returning to & from
39the coast - The goods are
40carried on the head or
41on one shoulder in a
42sort of basket having
43planted between attached to at the extremities of two poles
0063
119 61a
2
between five to
and six feet ^ in length
long
3
[& called Motete - ] When the basket is placed on
4the head, the poles project
5forwards horizontally and
6when the carrier wishes
7to rest himself he places
8th plants them on the ground
9
[&] the burden against a tree
10so
[he is] they are not obliged to lift
11it up from the ground to the
12level of the head - It stands
13against the tree propped up
14by the poles at that level -
15
[The carrier] They frequently plants the
16poles on the ground &
17stands holding the burden
18untill they have ^ he has taken
19breath thus avoiding the
20trouble of placing the
21burden on the ground &
22lifting it up again
When a company of these
24carriers or our own
25
[party ^] company comes to one
26of these sleeping places
27immediate possession
28is taken of the sheds
29Those who come late
30and find all the h
{o}ccupied
31must then erect others
32for themselves - but
33this is not difficult
34for there is no lack
35of long grass - No sooner
0064
120 62
2do the ^ any strangers appear at the
3spot than the women may
4be seen emerging from
5their villages bearing
6baskets of manioc meal
7
[roots] ^ earth-nuts, yams - birds eye
8pepper and garlic for sale,
9Calico of which we had
10brought some from
11Cassange is the chief
12medium of exchange
13We found them all civil
14
[&] though it was evident
15from the amount of
16talking and laughing in
17bargaining that the ladies
18enjoyed their occupation
19They must cultivate
20largely in order to be
21able to supply the constant
22succession of strangers
23Those ^
[however] near to the great
24line of road purchase
25
[also] ^ much of the food
26also from the more
27distant villages for the
28sake of gain -
Pitsane and another of
30the men had violent attacks
31ofor fever, and it was no
32wonder for the dampfness
33
[& evaporation from] of the ground was excessive
34When at any time I attempted
35to get an observation
36of a star, if the trough
It would have afforded me
3pleasure to have cultivated
4a more intimate acquaintance
5with the inhabitants of
6this part of the country
7but the giddiness
[vertigo] produced
8
[by] ^ by my frequent fevers
9made me it as much
10as I could do to stick to
11the ox and crawl along
12in misery - In crossing
13Lombe the Lombe my ox Sinbad
14in the indulgence of his
15propensity to [ ]
{s}trike out
16a new path for himself
17plunged into a deep hole
18overhead and so wetted
19
[soused me] my clothing that I was
20obliged to move on
21
[to] and dry my th
{c}lothing
22without waiting on
23the ^
[Europeans] Portuguese ^ who live
24
[on the bank ^] there - But we passed
25This I regretted for all the
26Portuguese were very
27kind and like the Boers
28placed in similar
29circumstances feel
30
[it ^] a slight to be passed
31without a word of
32salutation, But we
33passed on to a spot
34where orange trees
35had been planted by the
36natives themselves
0066
124 64
2and where abundance of that
3refreshing fruit was exposed
4for sale -
In entering the district of
7Ambaca Ambaca we found the
8landscape enlivened by the
9appearance of lofty mountains
10in the distance - The grass
11comparatively short and
12the whole ^
[country ] landscape at this
13time looked gra
{a}y gray and verdant - On
14our leftright we see
{a}w the certain
15Pungo Andongo rocks ^ of the same nature with those of Pungo Andongo
16
[&] which closely resemble those
17
[the group
18of Stonehenge]
[The Stonehenge
19group]
on Salisbury Plains only
20
[here] have the stone pillars ^ here are of
21gigantic size - This district
22is
{re}gion is all wonderfully fertile
23and famed for rearing
24cattle and all kinds of agricultural
25produce
[at a cheap
26rate]
- The soil contains
27sufficient ferrugineous
28matter to impart a red tinge
29to nearly the whole of it - It
30is from supplied with a
31great number of little flowing
32streams which uniti
{e}ng
33in the Lucalla - This little
34river drains Ambaca then
35falls into the Coanza in
{to} the
36South East at Massangano
37We crossed the Lucalla by
38means of a large canoe
0067
125 65
2kept here by a man who
3farms the ferry from the
4Government and charges
5about a penny per head -
6A few miles beyond the
7Lucalla we came to
8the village of Ambaca an
9important place in former
10times but now a mere
11paltry village
[on a
12beautiful
13situation
14^ at on a little
15elevation
16^ in on a plain
17surrounded
18on ha
{all} hands
19by lofty
20mountains]
without either
21church or fort It has a
22jail and a good house
23for the commandant
24but neither fort nor
25church - The signs of
26a church though the ruins
27of a former place of worship
28are still standing
We were most kindly
30recieved by the Commandant
31of Ambaca Arsenio P. P. de Carpo
32who spoke a little English &
33He recommended wine for
34my debility and here I took
35the first glass of that beverage
36I had taken in Africa
[I felt much
37refreshed
38and could
39then realize
40& meditate on
41the]
The
42eff
{^ w}eakening effects of the
43fever which ^ They were curious
44even to myself for though
45I had tried several times
46since we left Ngio to
47take a
{L}unar observations
48I could not avoid confusion
49of time and distance - I could
0068
126 66
2
[nor could I] hold the instrument steady nor
3perform a simple calculation
4hence many of the portions
5on
{f} this part of the route
6were left till my return
7from Loanda
[often on
8getting up
9in the
10mornings I
11found my
12clothing as
13wet from
14perspiration as
15if theyit had been
16dipped in water]
- In vain had
17I tried to ^ learn or collect words of
18the Bunda or dialect spoken
19in Angola - I forgot the days
20of the week and the names
21of my companions and
22had I been asked I probably
23could not have told my own -
24The complaint itself occupied
25many of my thoughts - One day
26
[day I]
[I supposed that] thought I had got the true
27theory of it and would certainly
28cure themy next attack whether
29in myself or companions
30but some new symptoms
31would appear and scatter
32all my
{the} fine speculations
33which had sprung up
34with extraordinary fertility
35in one department of my
36brain
This district is said to
38contain upwards of 40,000
39souls - Some ten or twelve
40miles to the North of the village
41of Ambaca there once
42stood the missionary
43station of Cahenda and
44it is now quite astonishing
0069
127 67
2to observe the great numbers
3who can read and write in
4the
{i}s district - The
{i}s is the fruit
5of the labours of the Jesuits
6o
{f}or they taught the people
7of Ambaca usually termed
8Ambacistas and ever since
9the expulsion of the teachers
10by the Marquis of Pombal
11They ^
[natives] have continued to teach
12each other - These devoted
13men are held in high estimation
14throughout this country to this
15day - All speak well of them
16(os padres Jesuitas) and now
17that they are gone from this
18lower sphere I could not
19help wishing that ^ these our Roman
20Catholic fellow Christians
21had felt it to be their duty
22to give their people the
23Bible to be a light to their
24feet when the good men
25
[themselves] were gone -
When sleeping in the house
28of the Commandant an insect
29well known in this country
30by the name Tampan bit
31my foot - It is a kind of
32tick and chooses by preference
33the parts between the fingers
34and toes for inflicting its bite
35Its is often seen of from
0070
128 68
2the size of pin's head to that of
3a pea and in
{is} common
4in all the native huts in
5this country - It sucks the
6blood untill quite full and
7it is then of dark blue
8colour and its skin so
9tough and yielding that it
10is impossible to burst it
11by any amount of sl
{q}ueezing
12by the fingers - I had
13felt its
{the} effects of is bite
14in former years and
15eschewed all native huts
16ever after but as I was
17here again assailed in a
18native European house
19I shall detail the effects
20of the bite - These are a
21tingling sensation of mingled
22pain and itchiness which
23commences ascending
24the limb untill the poison
25imbibed reaches the
26abdomen where it soon
27causes violent vomiting
28and purging - Where these
29effects do not follow
30as we found afterwards
31at Tete fever sets in
32and I was assured by
33intelligent Portuguese there
34that death f
{b}y this fever
35has ^ sometimes been the result of this fever - From
0071
129
{30} 69
2conversation I found on
3rising from a dase his
4couch - that he had at once
5proceeded to cook a fowl
6for my use and at
7parting he pressed me to
8a glass of wine which
9prevented a violent fit
10of shivering which I expected
11that afternoon - The
12universal hospitality of the
13Portuguese was most
14gratifying as it was quite
15unexpected - And even
16now as I copy my
17journal I remember it
18all with a glow of
19gratitude
We spent Sunday 14th
22May at Cabinda Cabinda which
23is one of the stations
24of the subcommandants
25
[who] which are placed at
26different points in each
27district of Angola for as
28assistants of the head-
29commandant or Chefe
30It is situated in a beautiful
31glen and surrounded
32by plantations of bananas
33and manioc - The
34country was daily gradually
35becoming more picturesque
0072
131 70
2the farther we proceeded West
3the ranges of lofty blue
4mountains
[of Libollo] which in coming
5towards Ambaca we had
6seen thirty or forty miles
7to our South were now
8shut out from our
9view by others nearer
10at hand and the grey
11ranges of Cahenda which
12while we in
{were} in Ambaca stood
13clearly defined eight or ten
14miles off to the North
15were now close upon
16our right - As we looked
17back towards
[the open
18pastoral
19country of]
Ambaca
20The broad green p
{g}ently
21undulating pastoral plains
22seemed in a hollow
23surrounded on all sides
24by distant
[rugged] mountains and
25as we we went West-
26
[wards] ^ we were entering upon
27quite a wild ^ looking mountainous
28district called Golungo
29Alto Golungo
29Alto
We met numbers of
30Mambari on their way
31Bihe some
{back} to Bihe - Some
32of them had belonged to
33the parties which had
34penetrated as far as
35Linyanti and foolishly
36shewed their displeasure
37at the prospect of the
0073
132 71
2Makololo preferring to go to
3the coast markets themselves
4to entrusting them with their
5ivory - They ^ Mambari repeated the
6tale of the mode in which
7the white men are said to
8trade - "The ivory is placed
9on the shore in the evening
10and next morning the
11vender seller finds a quantity
12of goods placed there in
13its stead - They added to
14my men by the white men
15who live in the sea" - "Now"
16added they to my men
17"how can you Makololo
18trade with these "Mermen" Can
19you enter into the sea &
20tell them to come and
21ashore - " It was remarkable
22to hear this stidea repeated
23so near the sea as we
24now were - My men
25replied that they only
26wanted to see for them
27-selves and as they were
28now getting some light
29on the nature of the trade
30carried on by the Mambari
31they were highly amused
32
[on percieving] to see the reasons why
33the Mambari would rather
34have met them on the
35Zambesi than so near
36the sea coast
0074
134 72
2keep their families out of the
3reach of the malaria which
4is suppose to prevail most
5Sowels on the banks of the numerous
6little streams which run
7among the hills -
Canto e Castro We were most kindly
9recieved by the Commandant
10
[Lieutenant] Antonio do Canto e Castro a
11
[young] gentleman whose whole sub-
12sequent conduct inspired
13m will ever make me
14regard him with great
15affection - Like all every
16other person of intelligence
17whom I had met he
18lamented deeply the apathy
19
[neglect ^] with which this fine
20country hasd been treated -
21This district contains a population
22which numbered according
23
[inhabitants
24which counted
25by]
^ to the last census ^ was 26,000 hearths
26or fires - And if to each
27hearth we considerreckon three
28or four souls we have a
29population of upwards of
30
[106
{4},000] 90,000 - The number
31of ^
[Carregadores] (carriers)^ whose services
32may be called for ^ by the commandant several
33times a year is 6000
34who may be ordered out
35at the pleasure of Government
36to convey merchandise to
37the coast is in this district
38alone about six thousand
0075
135 73
2yet there is no good road
3in existence - This system
4of compulsory carriage of
5merchandise was adopted
6in consequence of the increased
7activity of the cruizers
8in suppressing the slave trade
9which began in 1845
10in numbers and activity
11of the ^ our cruizers which took
12place in 1845 Each trader
13in the pur
{who} went
[previous to
14that year]
previous to this into the
15Interior in the pursuit of
16his calling, proceeded on
17the plan of purchasing
18ivory & bees wax and a
19
[sufficient number] ^ of slaves to carry all he got
20
[these commodities] - The whole were intended
21for exportation as soon
22as the trader reached the
23coast. But when the
24more stringent measures
25of 1845 came into operation
26and rendered the easy
27exportation of slaves
28almost impossible, b
{th}ere
29being no roads proper
30for the employment
31of wheel conveyances - this
32new system of compulsory
33carriage of ivory and
34bees wax to the coast
35was resorted to by the
36Government of Loanda
0076
136 74
2A trader who now requires
3two or three hundred carriers
4to convey his merchandise to
5the coast now applies to the
6General Government, for
7aid - An order is sent to
8the commandants of
9
[a] the districts to furnish the
10number required - Each
11headman of the villages
12under him to whom the
13
[order is ^] transmitted the order must
14furnish from five to
15twenty or thirty men
16according to the proportion
17that his people bear to
18the entire population of
19the district - For this accom-
20modation the p
{tr}ader must
21pay a tax to the Government
22of 1000 reis or about three
23shillings per load carried
24Each carrier recieves
25The trader is obliged als
{to} pay
26
[the carrier] also, the sum of 50 reis
27or about two pence a day
28for his sustenance - And
29as th
{a} day's journey is never
30more than from eight
31to ten miles the expense
32which must be incurred
33by for the compulsory labour
34is felt to be considerable
35by those who h
{w}ere accustomed
36to employ slave labour alone
38 75
2custard apples and Pitangas
3
[Jambos] a fruits brought from
4South America by the former
5missionaries - The towering
6
[high] hills all around with palms
7on many points made
8this spot appear more
9like the Bay of Rio de
10Janeiro in miniature
11than any scene I ever
12saw, and all who
13have seen that confess
14that it is unequalled in
15the world beside - The fertility
16evident in every spot
17of this district is
{was} quite
18marvellous to behold
19but I shall reserve further
20notices of this region
21till our return from
22Loanda
We left Golungo Alto on
24the 24th of May - the winter
25in these parts - Every evening
26clouds come rolling in
27great masses over the
28mountains in the West
29and rolling thunder accompanies
30the fall of rain during
31the night or early in
32the morning - The clouds
33generally remain on the
34hills till the morning
35is well spent - so that
0078
139 76
2we become familiar with
3morning mists, a thing we
4never once saw at
5Kolobeng - The thermometer
6stands at 80° by day but
7sinks as low as 76° by
8night
In going westwards we
10crossed several fine little
11gushing streams which
12never dry - They unite in
13the Luinha (pronounced
14Lueenya) and Lucalla - As
15they flow through li
{o}ver
16many little cascades
17they might easily be turned
18to good account but
19they are all allowed to
20run on idly to the ocean -
21We passed through forests
22of gigantic timber and
23at an open space named
24Cambondo about eight
25miles from Golungo Alto
26found numbers of carpenters
27converting these lofty
28trees into planks in
29exactly the same manner
30as was followed by
31the illustrious Robinson
32Cruzoe - A tree of three
33or four feet in diameter
34was felle and forty or
35fifty feet up to the nearest
36branches was felled -
0079
140 77
2It was then cut into lengths
3
[of] of
{a} few feet and split into
4thick junks - which again
5were rej
{d}uced to planks
6an inch thick by persevering
7labour with the axe -
8The object of the carpenters
9was to make little chests
10and they drive a constant
11trade in them at Cambondo
12When finished with hinges
13lock and key all of their
14own manufacture they
15
[one] costs only one ^ a shilling and
16eight pence - My men were
17so delighted with them
18that they carried several
19of them on their heads
20all the way to Linyanti -
At Trombeta we were
23pleased to observe a great
24
[deal of] taste displayed by the sub-
25commandant in the
26laying out of his grounds
27and adornment of his
28house with flowers -
29This trifling incident
30was the more pleasing
31as it was the first
32attempt at neatness I had
33seen since leaving the
34establishment of Mozinkua
35in Londa - Rows of
0080
141 78
2Powell of trees had been planted along
3each side of the road
4290 with pine apples and
5flowers between - This
6
[arrangement] I had an opportunity of
7seeing in several other
8districts of this country
9for there is no difficulty
10in raising any [ ]
11plant or tree if it
12is only kept from being
13cloaked by weeds
This gentleman had now
15a fine estate which
16but a few years ago
17was a forest and
18cost him only £16 - He
19had planted about 900
20coffee trees upon it and
21as these begin to yield
22in three years from
23being planted and in
24six attain their maximum
25the e
{I h}ave no doubt but
26that ere now his £16
27yields him sixty fold
28All sorts of fruit trees
29
[and grape vines] here yield their fruit twice
30in each year without
31any labour or irrigation
32being bestowed on them
33All grains ˄ & vegetables if only sown
34do the same and beans
35if advantage is taken of
36of the f
{m}ists of winter even
0081
142 79
2even three crops ˄ of pulse may be
3Cotton was now standing
4in the pods in his fields
5and he did not seem to
6care about it - I understood
7him to say that this last
8plant flourishes but the
9wet of one of the two
10rainy seasons with which
11this country is favoured
12sometimes proves
13troublesome to the grower
14I am not aware whether
15wheat has ever been
16tried but I saw both
17figs and grapes in bearing
18well - The great complaint
19of all cultivators is the
20want of a good road
21to carry their produce
22to market - Here all kinds
23of food are remarkably
24cheap
Fath
{r}ther on we left
26the mountainous country
27and as we descended towards
28the West coast saw the
29lands assuming a more
30sterile uninviting aspect
31On our left right ran
32the river Senza which
33nearer the sea takes the
34name of Bengo - It is
35about fifty yards broad
0082
143 80
2and navigable for canoes
3The low plains adjacent to
4its banks are protected from
5inundation by embankments
6and the population is entirely
7occupied in raising
8food and fruits for export-
9ation to Loanda by
10means of canoes - The banks
11are infested by myriads of
12the most ferocious mosquitoes
13I ever met - Not one of
14our party could get a
15snatch of sleep - I was taken
16into the house of a Portuguese
17but was soon glad to make
18my escape and lie across
19the path on the leeside of
20the fire where the smoke
21blew over my body - My
22host wondered at my
23want of taste and I at
24his want of feeling for
25to our astonishment he
26and the other inhabitants
27had actually become used
28 what was at least equal
29to a nail through the heel
30of one's boot or the
31toothache -
As we were now drawing
33near to the sea my companions
34were looking at everything
35in a serious light - One
36of them asked me if -
XLI - P.406-425 81
2purpose of navigation but their vessels were so
3frequently plundered by their Dutch neighbours that
4when they regained the good port of Loanda they no longer
5made use of the river. We remained here
6four days in hopes of obtaining an observation for
7the longitude but at this season of the year the sky
8is almost constantly overcast by a thick canopy
9of clouds of a milk and water hue this continues
10until the rainy season ^ which was now close at hand commences.
The lands on the north side of the Coanza belong to
12the Quisamas (Kisamas) an independent tribe
13which the Portuguese have not been able to subdue
14The few who came under my observation possessed
15 a little of the Bushman ofor Hotentot feature and
16were dressed in strips of bark hanging from the waist
17to the knee. They deal largely in salt which their
18country produces in great abundance. It is brought
19in crystals of about 12 inches long and about 1½ inch
20in diameter This is met withhawked about everywhere in
21Angola and next to calico is the most common
22medium of barter The Kisama are brave and
23when the Portuguese army pur followed them into
24their forests they soon reduced the invaders to
25extremity by tapping all the reservoirs of water
26which were no other than the enormous Baobabs
27
[of the country] hollowed into cisterns . As the Kisama Country
28is ill supplied with water otherwise, the Portuguese
29were soon obliged to retreat. Their Country
30near to Massangano is low lying and marshy
31but becomes more elevated in the distance
32and beyond them lie the ^ d lofty dark ^ mountain ranges of
33mountains of the Libollo another powerful
34
[&] independent people Near Massangano
35I observed what seemed to be an effort of nature
0084
1 82
2to furnish a variety of domestic fowls more
3 capable than the common of bearing the heat of the
4sun This was a hen and chickens with all
5their feathers curled upwards They were thus
6capable of giving shade to the body without increasing the heat
7They are here named "Kisafu" by the native population
8who pay a high priz
{c}e price for them when they wish to offer
9them as a sacrifice and by the Portuguese ^ they are termed "Arripiada"
10or shivering There seems ^ to be a tendency in nature
11to afford varieties br
{a}dapted to the convenience of man
There is a kind of very short legged fowls among
13 the Boers obtained in consequence of observing that short
14
[such] limbed fr ones were more easily caught for transport
15in their frequent removals in search of pasture
16A similar instance of securing a variety, occurred
17with the short legged ^ limbed sheep in America
Returning by way of ^ ascending the Lucalla
19into Cazengo we had an opportunity of visiting
20several flourishing coffee plantations and
21observed that men several men who had begun
22with no capital but honest industry had
23in the course of a few years acquired a comfortable ^ subsistence
24competency
[One of these Mr Pinto ^ Pinto fairly generously
25furnished me with a
26a good supply of his excellent
27coffee and my men
28with a breed of rabbits
29to carry to their own
30country]
Their coffee lands granted
31by Govt yielded without much labour
32coffee sufficient for all the necessaries of life
The fact of other avenues of wealth opening
34 up so readily, seems like an providential invitat
35to forsake the slave trade and engage in lawful
36commerce. We saw the female population
37employed ^ occupied as usual in the spinning of cotton and
38cultivation of their lands ^
[Their only instrument
39for culture is a
40double handled hoe
41which is held in both
42hands & worked with
43a sort of dragging
44motion]
and many of the men
45were employed in weaving The latter appear
46to be less industrious than the former for they require
47a month to finish a single web. There is
however not much inducement to industry
3for notwithstanding the time consumed in its manu-
4facture each web only bring is sold for only 2 shillings
On returnig
{i}ng to Golungo
7Alto I found several of my
8men laid up of
[with] fever -
9One of the reasons for my
10leaving them there was
11that they might recover
12from the fatigue of the journey
13from Loanda which may
14had much more effect
15upon their feet than
16hundreds of miles had
17in our way Westwards
18They had always been
19accustomed to moisture in
20
[their own
21well watered
22land]
^ and we certainly had
23a super abundance of
24that in Londa - The
25roads f
{h}owever from
26Loanda to Golungo Alto
27were both hard and dry
28and they suffered severely
29in consequence - Two of
30them had ^ now fever in the
31continued form and
32became Jaundiced - The
33conjunctiva of their eyes
34becoming as yellow
35as saffron, and a third
36suffered from an attack
37of mania - He camesaid to
0086
184
2to his companions ^ one day and said
3"Remain well! I am called
4away by the gods" and
5set off at the top of his
6speed - The young men
7caught him before he had
8gone a mile and bound
9him - I ha
{By} gentle treatment
10and watching for a few
11days he recovered - I have
12observed several instances
13of this kind but
{in} the
14country but very few
15cases of idiocy - and
16I believe that continued
17insanity is rare -
While waiting for the
19recovery of my men I
20visited in company with
21my friend Mr Canto the
22deserted convent of
23St Hilarion at Bango a
24few miles North W of
{est} of
25Golungo Alto - It is
26situated in a magnificent
27valley containing a
28population of about numbering
294000 hearths - This is the
30abode of the Sova or chief
31Bango who still holds
32a place of authority
33under the Portuguese
34The garden of the convent
35the church and dormitories
36of the bretheren are still
0087
185
2kept in a good state of repair
3I looked at the furniture -
4couches - and large chests
5for holding ^ the provisions of
6
[the brotherhood] ^ with interest and would
7fain have learned something
8of the former occupants
9but all the books and
10sacred vessels hav
{d}e
11lately been removed to
12Loanda and the graves
13of the good men even
14stand without any
15record
[Their resting
16places
17are however
18carefully
19tended]
- All speak well
20of the Jesuits for having
21attended diligently to the
22instructions of their children
23They were supposed to have
24
[a tendency] been willing to take the
25part of the people against
26the government and
27were supplanted by priests
28concerning ^ concerning whom no
29regret is expressed that
30they have been ^ were allowed
31to die out - In viewing
32the present fruits of
33former missions it is
34impossible not to feel
35that if the Jesuit teaching
36has been so permanent
37that of protestants who
38leave the Bible in the
39hands of their converts will
40not be less abiding
0088
1 86
2The chief Bango has built a
3large ^
[two storey] house close by the
4convent but superstitious
5feelings fears prevent him
6from sleeping in it - The
7Portuguese take advantage
8of all the gradations in to
9which native society has
10divided itself - This man for
11instance to
{is} still a sova or
12chief and has his counsellors
13as
{a}nd maintains the same
14state as when the country
15was independent - When
16any of his people is guilty
17of thieft he pays down
18the amount of goods
19stolen at once, and reimburses
20himself out of the property
21of the thief so effectually
22as to be benefitted by the
23transaction The people under
him are divided into a number of classes
25These are his councillors as the highest who
26are generally head men of several villages
27and the lowest free men the carriers.
28One class above them obtains the privilege by
29pay of wearing its shows^oes for the chief by paying
30for it Another, is the soldiers or militia
31pay for the privilege of serving the advantage
32being that they are not afterwards liable to be
33made carriers. They are also divided
34into gentlemen and little gentlemen and though
35quite black speak of themselves as white men
and of the others who may not wear bootsshoes as "blacks"
3men. The men of all these classes
4trust to their wives for food and spend most of their
5time in drinking the palm toddy This toddy
6is the juice of the palm oil tree let out by means
7of a puncture which when tapped yields a sweet
8clean liquid not at all intoxicating while fresh
9but when allowed to stand till the afternoon
10causes inebriation and many crimes. This
11toddy called malova is the bane of the country
[Culprits are
12continually
13brought before
14the command
15ants for
16crimesassaults com-
17mitted through
18its influence
19Men are
20brought with
21deep gashes
22on their
23heads and
24one who
25had burned
26his father's
27house I saw
28making a
29profound
30bow in
{to}
31Mr Canto &
32volunteer
33to explain
34why he
35did the deed.]
There is also a classsort of free masons fraternity
37named Empacasseiros whose into which no one
38is admitted unless he is an expert hunter and
39can shoot well with a gun. They are
40distinguished by a ^ filletthong of ^ buffalo hide around their
41heads and are employed as messengers in all
42cases requiring express. and are very trustworthy
43and when on active service form the best native
44troops the Portuguese possess. The militia
45are of no value as soldiers but cost the
46country nothing being supported by their wives
47Their duties are chiefly to guard the residences
48of Commandants and act as police The
49chief recreations of these natives of Angola people are marriages
50and funerals When a young woman is about
51to be married she is placed in a hut alone
52and anointed with various unguents and many
53incantations are employed in order to secure
54good fortune and fruitfulness After some
55days she is taken to another hut and ^ ornamentedadorned
56with all the richest clothing and ornaments
57that the relatives can either lend or borrow
58She is then placed in a public situation
59and she is saluted ^ as a lady and receives presents are made
60
[insert what follows
61 at back of this page]
Here as almost everywhere in
4the South the height of good fortune
5is to bear sons - They often leave
6a husband altogether if they
7have daughters only - In their
8dances ^ when any one may ^ wish to deride
9another in the accompanying
10song a line is introduced
11"so & so has no children and never
12will get any" - She feels the insult
13so keenly, as
{it} is not
14uncommon for her to
15rush away and commit
16suicide
17
18
88
2by all her acquaintences who engage in dance
3feasts & drinks for several days are placed
4around her. After this she is taken to the residence
5of her husband where she has a hut for herself and
6becomes one of several wives for polygamy is general
7Dancing feasting and drinking on such occasions are
8prolonged for several days. In cases of
9separation the woman returns to her father's family
10and the husband receives back what he gave for
11her.
[In nearly all
12cases a
13man gives
14a price for
15the wife
16and in
17cases of
18mulattoes
19as much
20as £60. is
21often given
22to the
23mul
{pare}nts
24of the
25bride - This
26is one of
27the evils
28the bishop
29was trying
30to remedy]
() In cases of death the body is kept
31several days and there is a grand concourse of
32both sexes with beating of drums and dances
33and debauchery wh kept up with feasting &c
34according to the means of the relatives.
35It is The great ambition of many of the blacks
36of Angola is to give their friends an expensive funeral
37Often when one is asked to sell a pig he replies
38"I am keeping it in case of the death of any of my
39friends"
[a pig is
40usually slaughtered
41& eaten
42on the last
43day of the
44ceremonies and its head thrown into the nearest
45steam or river]
A native will sometimes appear
46intoxicated on these occasions and if blamed
47for his intemperance will reply "Why! My Mother
48is dead" as if he thought it a perfect justification
The expenses of funeral are so heavy that often
50years elapse before they can defray them
These people are said to be very litigious and
52obstinate as Constant disputes are taking place
53respecting their lands A case came before
54the weekly court of the commandant involving
55property in a palm tree worth two pence
56The judge advised the pursuer to withdraw the case
57as the ^ mere expenses of entering it would be much more
58than the cost of the tree "O No" said he "I have
59a piece of calico with me for the clerk and money
60for yourself Its my right I will not forgo it"
0092
1 89
2The calico itself cost 3 or 4 shillings. They
3rejoice if they can say of an enemy "I took him
4before the court"
My friend Mr Canto the Commandant being
7seized with fever in a severe form it afforded
8me much pleasure to attend him in his sickness
9who had been ˄ so kind to me in mine. he H
{w}as for
10some time in a state of insensibility and I having
11the charge of his establishment had thus an
12opportunity of observing the workings of slavery
When a Master is ill the slaves run riot
14among the eatables I did not know this until I
15observed that every time the sugar basin came to
16the table it was empty. On visiting my
17patient by night I passed along a corridor
18and unexpectedly came upon the washerwoman
19eating pine apples and sugar. I All the
20sweetmeats were devoured and it was difficult
21for me to get even bread & butter until I took
22the precaution to lock the pantry door
23Probably the slaves thought as both they and the
24luxuries belonged to the Master
[were the Master's
25property]
there was no ^ good reason
26why they should be kept apart
Debarred by my precaution from these sources
28of enjoyment they took to killing the fowls & goats
29and when the animals was quite dead brought them
30to me saying "We found this lying out there" They
31then enjoyed a feast of flesh. A feeling of
32insecurity prevails throughout this country. it is quite
33common to furnish visitors with the keys to their
34rooms When called on to come to breakfast
35or dinner each locks his door puts the key
36in his pocket At Kolobeng we never
0093
1 90
2locked our doors by night or day for months together
3but there slavery is unknown. The Portuguese do
4not seem at all bg
{i}goted in their attachment to
5slavery nor yet in their prejudices against colour
6Mr Canto gave ^ mean entertainments in order to
7draw all classes together and promote a general
8good will. Two Sovas or native chiefs were present
9and took their places without the least appearance
10of embarassment - The sova of Kilombo appeared
11in the dress of a General and the sova of Bango was
12gaily attired in a red coat profusely ornamented
13with tinsel. The latter had a band of musicians
14with him consisting of six trumpeters and four
15drummers who performed very well
[These men are fond
16of titles & the Portuguese
17Govt humours them
18by conferring honorary
19captaincy
{ies} & The sova of
20Bango was at present
21anxious to obtain the
22title of "Major of all the
23 Sovas"]
24At the table of other gentlemen I observed ^
[the same thing
25constantly occurring]
26persons of colour taking their seats and they were
27addressed on terms of equality At this
28meeting Mr Canto communicated some ideas
29which I had com
{wri}tten out on the dignity of labour
30and the superiority of free over slave labour
The Portuguese gentlemen present were anxiously
32expecting an arrival of fresh American cotton seed
33from Mr Gabriel They are now in the
34transition state from unlawful to lawful
35trade and turn eagerly to cotton coffee &
36sugar as new sources of wealth. Mr Canto
37had been commissioned by them to purchase 3
38sugar mills. As our
{Our} cruizers have been the
39principal agents in compelling them to abandon
40the slave trade & our Govt in furnishing them with
41a supply of cotton seed showed a wisegenerous intention
42to aid them in commencing a more stable
43enterprize honourable course. It can
44scarcely be believed however that after
0094
1 91
2Lord Clarendon had been at the trouble of procuring
3fresh cotton seed through our minister at
4Washington and had sent it out to the care
5of H. M. Commissioner at Loanda, from probably
6having fallen into the hands of a few incorrigible
7slave traders it never reached its destination
8It was probably cast into the sea off Ambriz
9and my friends at Golungo Alto were left without
10the means of commencing a new enterprise
In speaking to Mr Canto mentioned
12that there is now much more cotton in the country
13than can be consumed and if he had possession of
14a few hundred pounds he would buy up all the
15oil and cotton at a fair price and thereby
16produce quite a revolution in the agriculture of
17the country These commodities are not
18produced in greater quantity because the
19people have no market for those which now
20spring up almost spontaneously around
21them
[The above was put
22down in my journal
23when I had no idea
24that
[enlarged
25supplies of
26cotton
27from new
28sources] fresh supplies
29of cotton were so
30much needed at
31home.]
It is common to cut down cotton
32trees as a nuisance and cultivate beans, potatoes
33and manioc sufficient only for their own
34consumption The rents paid for gardens
35belonging to the old convents are merely nominal
36varying from one shilling to three pounds per annum
37The higher rents being realized from those in immediate
38vicinity of Loanda none but the Portuguese or native
39can rent them
92
2discovered the Tsetse that no insect might light
3upon it The change of diet here may have had
4some influence in producing the disease for I was
5informed by Dr Walweitsch a German naturalist
6whom we found pursuing his arduous labours here
7that of 658 kinds of grasses found at Loanda only
83 or 4 very diminutive species exist here
[and these of the
9most diminutive
10kinds]
The
1124 ^ different species of grass of Golungo Alto are nearly all
12gigantic Indeed gigantic grasses, climbers
13
[shrubs] ^ and trees with but few plants constitute the vegetation
14of this region
20th Nov Before leaving we observed had
16an
{An} eclipse of the Sun which I
had had anxiously hoped
17to observe with a view of delivering the longitude
18happened this morning and as often took place
19in this cloudy climate the sun was covered 4
20minutes before it began. It then shone forth
21When it shone forth the eclipse was in progress
22and a few minutes before it should have ended
23according to my calculation The sun was
24 again completely obscured ^ The greatest ^
[patience &
25perseverance
26are required
27if one
28wishes
29to ascertain
30his position
31when it is
32the rainy
33season]
34 Before leaving I had an opportunity of observing
35a curious insect which inhabits the trees of the fig
36family
[(Ficus)
37& upwards
38of twenty
39species such are found here]
Seven or eight of them cluster round a spot
40on one of the smaller branches and there keep up
41a constant distillation of a clear fluid which
42dropping to the ground forms a little puddle below
43If a vessel is placed under them in the evening
44it contains 3 or 4 pintsa large quantity of fluid in the
45morning The natives say that if a drop
46falls into the eyes it causes inflamation
47of these organs To the question whence
48is this fluid derived the people sayreply that
49the insects suck it out of the tree, but it
0096
193
2is scarcely possible that the tree can yield so
3much A similar insect but much smaller
4insect may be observed ^ seen in Scotland named
5Do you know
5its name?
5If so put
5it in - We
5call it
5Spittley Jock!
which forms a mass of fou of froth on the a
6stalk of grass but it seems equally unlikely
7that so much moisture can flow in the pores
8of graminaceous plants. In the case of
9plants ^ branches of the fig ^ tree the point the insects congregate
10on is soon marked by a number of incipient
11roots such as thrown out when a br
{cu}tting is
12inserted in the ground for the purpose of starting
13another tree. I am inclined to believe that the
14is both the Scotch and African insects belong
15to the same family and differ only in the latter
16being 5 or 6 times larger than the former, and
17that the chief part of the moisture is derived
18from the atmosphere I leave it for naturalists
19to decide whether these little creatures have
20the power of distilling both by night and day as
21much water as they please and are more
22independent than Her M Steamships which
23
[with their] have an aparatus for condensing steam, for
24without coal their abundant supplies of sea-
25water are of no avail. I tried the following
26experiment finding a number ^ colony of these insects
27busily distilling on the
{a} branch of the Ris
{c}inis
{us} ^
28Communis or common castor oil plant I
29denuded about twenty inches of the bark on
30the tree side of the insects and scraped away
31all the inner bark so as to destroy all the
32ascending vessels I also cut a hole in the
33side of the branch and reaching to the pith
34middle then cut out the pith and internal
35vessels. The distillation was then going on
0097
194
2at the rate of one drop each 67 seconds. Next
3morning the distillation so far from being affected by
4the attempt to stop the supplies supposing they had
5come up through the branch from the tree was increased
6to a drop every 5 seconds or 12 drops per minute which
7at the sur I then cut the branch so much
8that during the day it broke but they still went
9on at the rate of a drop every 5 seconds which
10Can you
10calculate
10how many
10pints in
1024 hours
10How many
10drops in
10a pint
10if so state
10the amount
10I have forgot
10my chemistry
another colony on a branch of the same tree gave
11a drop every 17 seconds only I finally cut off
12the branch altogether but this was too much for
13their patience for they immediately decamped
14as insects will do from either a dead branch
15or dead animal as Indian hunters willsoon know
16should they sit down on recently killed bear.
The presence of greater moisture in the
18air increased the power of these distillers
19the period of greatest activity was in the
20morning when the air was
{and} everything else was
21charged with dew
Having but one day left
23for experiment, I found again that another
24colony on a denuded branch ^ denuded in the same way yielded a drop
25every 2 seconds and
{while} a colony on a branch
26untouched yielded a drop every 11 seconds
27I regretted somewhat the want of time to institute
28another experiment namely to cut a branch
29and place it in water so as to keep up it in life
30and then observe if there was any diminution of
31the quality of water This alone see
{was} wanting
32to make it certain that they draw water from
33the atmosphere I imagine that they have some
34passage which we are not aware besides that
35nervous influence which causes constant motion
0098
195
2to our own involuntary muscles, the power of
3life long action without fatigue The reader
4will remember in connection ^
[with this
5insect the
6case already
7mentioned]
8
[Dec 14] 27 Nov My men Both myself and men having
9recovered from severe attacks of fever we left the
10hospitable residence of Mr Canto with a deep sense
11of his kindness to us all, and proceeded on our way to
12Ambaca Frequent rains had fallen in October
13and November which was nearly always accompanied
14with thunder. Occasionally the quantity of moisture
15in the atmosphere is greatly increased without any
16visible cause this imparts a gr sensation of
17considerable cold though the thermometer shows
18
[exhibits] indicates no fall of the mercury The greater
19humidity in the air affording a better conducting
20medium for the heat of the radiation of heat
21from the body is as dangerous as a sudden fall
22of the thermometer it causes considerable disease
23among the natives and this season is denominated
24"Carneirada" as if ^ by the disease they were slaughtered like sheep a great number of sheep were
25slaughtered The season ^ of these changes which is most favourable
26for Europeans is the most unhealthy for the native
27population, and this is by no means a climate in
28which either natives or Europeans can indulge in
29"irregularities" without impunity
We were Owing to the weakness of the men who had
31been sick we were able to march but small
32
[short] ^ distances Three and a half hours brought us to
33the banks of the Caloi a small stream which flows
34into the Senza This is one of the parts of the
35country reputed to contain yield Petroleum
36but the geological formation being mica schist
37dipping towards the eastward did not promise
38much for our finding it. Our hospitable friend ^ Mr Mellot
0099
1 96
2accompanied us to another little river th
{c}alled the
3Quango where I saw two fine boys the sons of the sub-
4Commandant ^
[Mr Feltao] who though only from 6 to 8 years
5old were subject to fever. Our We then passed
6on in the bright sunlight the whole country looking so
7fresh and green after the rains and everything so cheering
8one could not but wonder to find the country so
9feverish We found at on reaching Ambaca
10that the gallant old soldier Laurence Jose Marquis
11had since our passing Icoloi
{lo} i Bengo been
12promoted on account of his ^ stern integrity to the Govt
13of this important district These command-
[The office of Commandant^ant]
14-ancies areis much coveted by the officers ^ of the line who come to
15Angola not so much for the actual amount of
16salary but ^ as for the perquisites which ^ when managed skilfully in the course of
17a few years makes one rich. An idea may be
18formed of the conduct of some of these officials from
19the following extract from the Bal Boletim of
20Loanda of 28th Oct 1854 The acting Govr-General
21of the province of Angola and its dependencies
22determines as follows. Having instituted an
23investigation (Syndecancia) against the
24 Commandant of the fort of Massangano a capt
25of the army of Portugal in commission in this province
26Z. M. C. B. on account of numerous complaints which
27have come before this Govt of violences and extortions
28practised by the said commandant and those
29complaints appearing by the result of the investigation
30to be well founded it will be convenient to
31exonerate the capt. referred to from the
32command of the fort of to which he
33had been nominated by the Portfolio of this
34general Govt No 41 of 27 Dec of the past year
35and if not otherwise determined the same official
0100
1 97
2shall be judged by a Council of War for the criminal
3acts which are to him attributed" The Council
4of War by which these gentlemen delinquents always
5prefer to be judged is composed of men who eagerly
6expect to occupy the office of Commandant themselves and
7anticipate ^ their own trial for similar acts ^ at some future time The severest
8sentence a Council of War passes awards is a few
9weeks suspension
[from his
10office in
11his Regiement]
Even this public mention
12of their crimes attaches no stigma to the ^ a man's character
This want of official integrity would from which
15is not at all attributable to the Home Govt of Portugal
16would prove a serious impediment in the way of
17foreign enterprize developing the resources of this
18rich province, and to this same cause indeed
19may be ascribed the failure of the Portuguese laws
20for the entire suppression of the slave trade.
[The officers
21ought to
22recieve
23higher pay
24if integrity
25is expected
26from them
27At present
28a captains
29pay for
30a year
31will only
32keep him
33in good
34uniform
35The high pay
36our own
37officers recieve
38has manifest
39advantages]
40Before On leaving Ambaca we received a present
41of ten head of cattle from ^ Mr Schutt a merchant in of
42Loanda and as it shows the cheapness of
43provisions here I may mention that the cost was
44only about a guinea per head. On crossing the
45Lucalla we made a detour to the South in order
46to visit the famous rocks of Pungo Andongo
47as soon as we crossed the rivulet Lotete a change
48in the vegetation of the country is apparent
49We find trees identical with those to be seen south
50of the Chobe The grass too stands in tufts and is
51of that kind which the natives consider to be best adapted
52for cattle Two species of ^ grape bearing vines abound
53every where in this district and The influence
54of their good pasturage is seen in the plump condition
55of the cattle. In ^ all my previous inquiries respecting
56the ^ vegetable products of Angola I was invariably directed
0101
1 98
2to Pungo Andongo. Do you grow wheat? “O yes
3in Pungo Andongo" Grapes, Figs or Peaches? "O yes
4in Pungo Andongo" Do you make butter, cheese &c
5The uniform answer was “O yes there is abundance
6
[of all these ˄] in Pungo Andongo" But when we arrived in
{he}re
7we found that the answers all referred to the activity
8of one man ^ Colonel Manuel Antonio Pires The
9presence of the wild grape shows that the
10 tame might be cultivated with success The
11wheat grows wild well without irrigation
12and any one who tasted the butter & cheese at the
13table of Mr Colnel Pires would prefer them
14to the ^ stale produce of the Irish dairy in general use
15throughout that country The cattle in
16this country are seldom milked on account of
17the strong prejudice which the Portuguese entertain
18against the use of milk They beleive that it
19may be used with safety in the mornings
20but if taken after midday will
{that} it will cause
21pre fever. It seemed to me there was not
22much reason for carefully avoiding a few drops
23in their coffee after dinner after having devoured
24ten times the amount in the shape of cheese at
25dinner The fort of Pungo Andongo
26is situated in the midst of a group of curious
27columnar shaped rocks each of which is upwards
28of three hundred feet in height They are composed
29of conglomerate made up of a great variety of
30rounded pieces in a matrix of dark red sand-
31stone They rest on a thick stratum of
32this last rock with very few of the pebbles
33in its substance On this a fossil palm
34has been found and if of the same age with those
35on the eastern side of the country continent
0102
1 99
2on which similar palms now lie there may
3be coal underneath this as well as under that at
4Tete The asserted existence of Petroleum
5springs at Dande and near Cambambe would
6seem to indicate the presence of this useful mineral
7though I am not aware of anyone having actually seen
8a seam of coal tilted up to a surface in Angola
9as we have at Tete The gigantic pillars
10of Pungo Andongo have been formed by a current
11of the sea coming from the S. S. E.
[for seen
12from the
13top they appear
14are arranged
15in that
16direction &
17must have
18borne the
19surges of
20the ocean]
at a time
21period of our world's history when the relation of
22land and sea were totally different from what
23they are now and long before The "sons of "the
24morning stars sang together and the sons of God
25shouted for joy" "to see the abodes prepared, which
26man was soon to fill" The embedded
27pieces in the conglomerate are of gneiss,
28clayslate mica and sandstone schists
29trap and porphy
{i}ry porphyry.
[most of which
30are large
31enough to
32give the
33whole the
34idea of
35being the
36only remaining
37vestiges of
38vast banks
39primaeval
40banks of
41shingle]
Several little
42streams run amongst these rocks and ^ and in the central
43part of the pillar stands the village completely
44environed by well nigh inaccessible rocks. The
45pathways into the village cr
{mi}ght be defended by
46a small body of troops ^ against an army and was the stronghold
47of the tribe called Jinga the original possessors of the
48country In former times the Portuguese imagined
49that this place was particularly unhealthy
50and banishment to the black rocks of Pungo
51Andongo was thought by the Portuguesetheir judges
52to be a much severer sentence than transportation
53to any part of the coast but this district is
54now well known to be the most healthy part
55of Angola The water is remarkably pure
56the soil sandy is light and the country open
57
[Insert what follows on back of page]
0103
1We were shewn on one of these rocks
2the [ ] likeness of a footprint
3carved on one of these rocks - It is
4spoken of as that of a famous
5queen who reigned here - In looking
6at these rude attempts at commemoration
7one feels the value of letters - In the history
8of Angola we find that the famous queen
9Donna Anna de Souza came from
10this vicinity as Ambassadress from her
11brother Gola Banndy King of the Jinga to
12Loanda in 1621 to sue for peace, and
13astonished the Governor by the readiness
14of her answers as much as the
15Cape Caffres have often done by
16by their ever ready replies to our own
17great men - The Governor proposed as
18a condition of peace the payment
19by the Jinga of an annual tribute
20"People talk of tribute after they
21have conquered and not before it"
22We come to talk peace, not
23subjection" was the ready reply
24answer - The Governor was as much
25nonplussed as our Go
{C}ape Governors
26^ often are when they tell the Caffres "to put it
27all down in writing and they will
28then be able to answer them!" - She
29remained some time in Loanda, gained
30all she sought - and after being
31taught by the missionaries was
32by
{a}ptized and returned to her
33own country with honour
34She succeeded to the kingdom
35
[See continuation back of leaf]
0104
1 100
2and undulating with a general slope down
3towards the river Coanza a few miles distant
4That river is the Ssouthern boundary of the Portuguese
5and beyond to the S and S. W. we see the high mountains of the
6Libollo and on the S. E. we have also mountainous
7country inhabited by the Kimbonda or Ambonda
8who are said by Col Pirez
{s} to be a very brave and independent
9people but hospitable and fair in their dealings
10They are rich in cattle and their country produces
11much beeswax which is carefully collected and
12brought to the Portuguese ^ with whom they have always been
13on good terms with the latter
[The Ako ^ (Haco) a branch of this
14family inhabit the
15left bank of the Coanza
16above this village who
17Instead of bringing slaves
18for sale as formerly now
19occasionally bring wax
20for the purchase of a slave
21from the Portuguese
22I saw a boy sold
23for twelve shillings
24he said that he belonged
25to the country of Matiamvo]
The Libollo on
26the S. have not so good a character but the
27Coanza is always deep enough to form a good
28line of defence Col. Pirez
{s} is a good example
29of what an honest industrious man in this country
30may become he came as a servant in a ship
31and by a long course of persevering labour has raised
32himself to be the richest merchant in the Angola
33On any m He possess some thousands of cattle
34and on any emergency can appear in the field
35with several hundred armed slaves
While enjoying the hospitality of this merchant prince
37I in his commodious residence which is outside
38the rocks and commands a beautiful view of all
39the adjacent country I learned with deepno small regret
40that all my dispatches, maps and journal had
41gone to the bottom of the sea in the mail packet
42"Forerunner" This intelligence ^ feeling was however
43tempered with the consoling fact that my friend
44Lieutenant Bedingfeld to whose care I had com-
45omitted them though in the most imminent
46danger had not shared a similar fate
These papers being lost I availed myself of the
48
0105
1on the death of her brother on
2whom it was supposed
3she poisoned - but in
4a subsequent battle with
5in a war war ^ with the Portuguese she lost
6nearly all her army in
7a great battle fought
8in 1627 - Her two children
9were baptized and her
10people the Jinga still
11live as an independant
12people to the South E of this
13their ancient country
14No African tribe has ever
15been destroyed
0106
1 101
2kindness of Col Pirez
{s} and remained till the end of
3year rewritin reproducing my lost dispatches
Col. Pires having another establishment on the
5banks of the Coanza about 6 miles distant
6I visited him
{it w}ith him about once a week for the
7purpose of recreation The difference of temperature
8caused by the lower altitude was seen in the
9Cashew trees for while at Pungo near the rocks
10these trees were but coming into leaf ^ flower those at the
11lower station were ripening their fruit ripening their
12fruit Cocoa nut trees and bananas bear
13well at the lower station but yield little or no
14fruit at the upper. The difference indicated
15by the thermometer was seven degrees 7°
16The general range was near the rocks was 67°
17at 7 A. M.oclock in the morning 74° at midday and 72°
18in the evening A slave boy belonging to Col
19Pires having stolen and eaten some citrus in lemons
20in the evening went to the river to wash his mouth
21so as not to be detected by the flavour An
22alligator seized him & carried him to an island
23in the middle of the stream There the boy seizedgrasped
24hold of the reeds and resisted baffled all the
25efforts of the reptile to dislodge him till his
26companions attracted by his cries came in a
27canoe to his assistance The Alligator at
28once let go his hold for when out of his own
29element he is cowardly The boy had many
30marks of the teeth in his abdomen and thigh &
31those of the claws on his lips and arms
The as slaves in Col P's establishments appeared
33more like free servants than any I had elsewhere
34seen everything was neat and clean while generally
35where slaves are the only domestics there is an aspect
0107
1 102
2of slovenliness as if they went on the principle of
3always doing as little for their Masters as possible
In the country near to this station
5was a large number of ^ the ancient burial places
6of the Jinga They^se are simply large mounds of stones
7with pieces of pottery drinking and cooking vessels
8of rude pottery Some are arranged in a
9circular form two or three yards in diameter
10shaped like a haycock There is not a single
11vestige of any inscription. The natives of
12Angola generally have a strange predilection
13for burying their dead on the sides of the most
14frequent paths They have a particular
15anxiety to secure the point when cross roads
16meet The graves AR
{r}ound and on the graves
17are planted tree Euphorbias and other species of
18that family On the grave itself they place
19also water bottles ^ broken pipes broken cookery vessels &
20sometimes a little bow and arrow
The Portuguese Govt wishing to prevent this
22custom have affixed a penalty to any one
23burying in the roads and appointed places of
24public sepulture in every district in this
25country The people persist however in
26spite of the most stringent enforcement of the
27law The country between
28the Coanza and Pungo Andongo is covered
29with low trees, bushes and fine pasturage
30In among the latter we were pleased to see
31our old acquaintance the gaudy gladiolis
32Amryla Amaryllis toxicaria haymanthis
33and others in as flourishing condition as at
34the Cape
XLIII PP 425-443 103
2It is surprising that so little has been done
3in the way of agriculture in Angola
4raising wheat by means of irrigation has
5never been tried no plough has ever used
6and the only instrument is the native hoe
7in the hands of slaves The chief of
{b}ject
8of agriculture is the manioc which does not
9contain nutriment sufficient to give
10proper stamina to the people The half
11breed Portuguese have not so much energy as
12their fathers They subsist chiefly on the manioc
13and as that can be eaten either raw, roasted
14or boiled as it comes from the ground or fermented
15in water and then roasted or dried after fermentation
16and baked or pounded into thin meal or
17rasped into meal and cooked as "farina" or
18made into a confectiona
{e}ry with butter and sugar
19 248 21 241
19 C L London
19Hadley joining 24
19Hadley Green
19 Barnet June
19Barnet June DS 23d
they it does not so soon pall upon their palates
20as one might imagine when told that it is
21
[constitutes] their principal food The leaves, boiled
22make an excellent vegetable for ^ the table and
23when eaten by goats their milk is much
24increased The wood is a good fuel and
25yields a large quantity of potash. If planted
26in a dry soil it takes two years to come to
27perfection requiring during that time one
28weeding only It bears droughts well
29and never shrivels up like other plants when
30deprived of rain When planted in low
31alluvial soils and either well supplied with
32rain or annually flooded one year or even
33ten months are sufficient to bring it to maturity
The root rasped while raw and placed
35upon a cloth having water and rubbed
0109
1 104
2with the hands while water is poured upon it
3parts with its starch and that when it settles
4
[at] into the bottom of the vessel and the water
5poured away off is placed in the sun till
6nearly dry
[forms Tapioca] The process of drying is completed
7ove
{n} an iron plate over a slow fire the mass
8being stirred meanwhile with a stick & when
9quite dry it appears agglutinatedconglomerated into little
10globules and is ^ in the form we see the tapioca of commerce
11This is never eaten by wevils and so little
12labour is required in its cultivation that on
13the spot it is extremely cheap In
14Throughout the interior parts of Angola
15fine manioc meal which could with ease
16be converted into either superiorfine starch or tapioca
17is commonly sold at the rate of about
18ten pounds for a penny. All this region
19
[however] ^ has no means of transport ˄ to Loanda other than the shoulders
20of the carriers and slaves by me over a footpath
Cambambe to which the ^ canoe navigation
22of the Coanza reaches is reported to be thirty
23leagues below Pungo Andongo A large waterfall
24is the limit on that side and another exists
25higher up at the confluence of the Lombe
26over which hippopotami and elephants
27are sometimes drawn and killed The
28river between is rapid and generally
29rushes over a rocky bottom Its source
30is pointed out as S. E. of its confluence with
31the Lombe & near Bihé I had the happiness
32of doing a little good in the way of administering
33to the sick for their are no doctors in the
34interior of Angola bu Notwithstanding
35the general healthiness of this fine climate
0110
1 105
2and its pleasant temperature I was attacked by
3fever myself While confined to my room a
4gentleman of colour who was a canon of the church
5kindly paid me a visit He was on a tour of
6visitations in the different interior districts for
7the purpose baptizing and marrying He had
8lately been on a visit to Portugal Lisbon in company
9with the Prince of Congo and had been invested
10with an order of honour by the King of Portugal
11as an acknowledgement of his services. He had
12all the appearance of a true negro but w
{c}ommanded
13the respect of the people and Col P. who had
14known him for thirty years pronounced him to be a
15good man There are only three or four
16priests in Loanda all men of colour but
17educated for the office About the time of
18my journey in Angola an offer was made to
19any young man ^ men of ability who might wish to devote
20themselves to the service of the church to afford
21them the requisite education at the University
22of Coimbra in Portugal I was informed ^
[by various
23on what seemed
24good authority]
25that the Prince of Congo is professedly a Christian
26and that there are no fewer than twelve churches
27in that Kingdom ---- The fruits of the mission
28established in former times at ^ San Salvador
29the capital These churches are kept in
30some repair by the people who also keep up
31the ceremonies of the church pronouncing some
32gibberish over the dead in imitation of the latin
33prayers which they ^ had formerly heard
34Many of them can read and write
35When a King of Congo dies the body is wrapped
36up in a great many folds of cloth until a
37priest can come from Loanda to consecrate
0111
1 106
2his successor The King of Congo still
3retains the title of Lord of Angola which he had
4when the Jinga
[the original possessors
5of the soil own
{e}d him
6allegiance]
were his vassalsown
{e}d him allegiance as well as the original
7possessors of the province And when he writes to the
8Governor of Angola he places his own name first
9as if addressing his vassal The Jinga
10paid him tribute annually in cowries which
11were found on the island that shelters Loanda harbour
12and refusing to continue payment the
13King of Congo gave over the island to the Portuguese
14and thus their dominion commenced in this quarter
There is not much knowledge of the the Christian religionChristianity in
16either Congo or Angola but yet it is looked
17upon with some degree of favour The prevalence
18of the fever is probably the reason why no
19priest occupies a post in any part of the
20interior They come on tours of visitation
21like the present and it is said that no
22expense is incurred for the people are
23ready ^
[not only to pay
24for their services but
25also]
to furnish them with every article in
26their power gratuitously In view of
27the desolate condition of this fine missionary
28field it is more than probable that the presence
29of a few Protestants would soon provoke the
30Priests, if not to love, to good works
1st Jany 1855. Having through the kindness of
32Col Pires reproduced some ` my lost papers I
33left Pungo Andongo the first day ` this year
34and at Candumba slept in one ` his
35the dairy establishments of my friend who
36had sent forward orders for an ample
37supply of butter cheese & milk Our path
38lay along ' right bank ` ' Coanza till
39When it whichThis is composed of the same
0112
1107
2sandstone rock with pebbles as forms the
3flooring of the country. It is level The land is
4level ^
[has much open
5forest] and ^ is well adapted for pasturage
On reaching the confluence of ' Lombe we left
7the river and proceeded in a N E direction ^ to
[through]
8a fine open green country to the village of
9Malange where we cut struck our former
10path A few miles to the West ` this a
11path branches off to a new district named
12the Duke Braganza This path crosses
13the Lucalla and several of its feeders - The
14whole of that country ^
[drained by
15which]
are is described as extremely
16fertile. The territory West of Braganza is
17reported to be mountainous, well wooded and
18watered, wild coffee is abundant
[and the people
19even make their
20huts of coffee trees]
The rivers
21Dande Senza and Lucalla are said to rise
22in one mountain range The numerous
23tribes inhabit the country to ' N,
[who are all
24independent]
but ' Portuguese
25power is
{e}xtends chiefly over ' tribes through
26whose lands we have passed It They may
27be said to be ^ not firmly seated ^ only between ' rivers
28
[Dande] Senza ^ and Coanza It extends inland
29about 300 miles and
{or} to
30the river Quango - and the
31population according to
32the im
{i}mperfect data afforded
33by the census given by
34
[annually] by the commandants of
35the twelve
{thirteen} or fourteen
36
[fifteen or sixteen ^] districts into which it is
37divided cannot be under
38600 000 souls. Leaving
39Malange we passed quickly without
40deviation along ' path by which we had come
0113
1430-439 108
2already erected at ' different sleeping places
3all their care was bestowed in making me comfortable
4--- Mashauana as usual took made his bed
5with his head close to my feet and never during
6the whole jourl entire journey did I have to call
7
[him] twice for anything I needed During our stay ^ my While at this
8Tala Mungongo our attention was attracted to
9a species ` red ant which infests different parts
10` this country it is remarkably fond ` animal
11food The commander ` this village having
12slaughtered a cow, slaves were obliged to sit up
13the whole night burning fires ` straw around
14the meat to prevent them ^ [ ] from devouring al it the
15most of it. These ants isare frequently met with
16as in numbers like a littlesmall army. cross At a
17little distance they appear as a brownish
18red band two or three inches wide stretched across
19the path all eagerly pressing on in one direction
20If a person happens to tread upon them they
21rush up his legs and bite with surprising vigour
The first time I encountered this by no means
23contemptible enemy was near Cassange when
24My attention being taken up in viewing ' distant
25landscape I accidentally stepped upon one `
26their nests Not an instant seemed to elapse
27before a simultaneous attack was made on
28various ^ unprotected parts m up the trowsers from below
29and on ' skin my neck ^ & breast above, The bites ` these
30furies was like sparks ` fire and there was
31no retreat I jumped about for a second
32or two then
[in desperation] tore off all my clothing ^ and
33
[&
{and} rubbed &] picked them off as quickly as possible se
34seriatim
[Ugh! They would make the most lethargic mortal
35look alive -]
fortunately no one observed
36this renconter or word a
{m}ight have been
0114
1 109
2taken back to ' village that I had become mad
I was once assaulted in a similar way when
4sound asleep one
{at} night in my tent, and it was
5only by holding my blanket over ' fire that I
6could get rid ` them It is really astonishing
7how such small bodies can contain so large an
8amount of ill nature
[They not only bite but
9twist their bodies around
10after ' mandibles are
11inserted to produce
12laceration and pain
13more than would be
14effected by ' single
15wound]
frequently while
16sitting on the ox as he happened to tread near a
17band they rushed up along his legs to ' rider
18and let soon let him know that he had he had disturbed
19their march They are very useful in
20ridding ' country ` dead animal matter
21and when they visit a human habitation they clean
22it entirely ` ' white destructive white ants and
23other vermin They possess no fear attacking
24with equal ferocity ' largest as well as ' smallest
25animals
[When any oneperson has leaped
26over ' band numbers of them
27leave ' ranks and
28rush along ' path seemingly
29anxious for a fight] They keep downdestroy many noxious
30insects and reptiles The severity ` their
31
[attack] bite is greatly increased by their vast numbers
32and rats, mice lizards and even ' python
33natalensis when in a state ` surfeit from
34recent feeding fall a victims to their fierce
35onslaught. These ants never make
36hills like the white ant. Their nests are
37but a short distance beneath ' soil and appear
38on ' surface which has the same soft appearance
39that of ^ the abodes ants in England Occasionally
40they construct galleries over their path to the
41cells of ' white ant in order to secure themselves
42from the heat ` ' sun in their during their marauding
43expeditions.
Jan 15 /55 We descended from ' heights ` Tala
45Mungonga this mor, It in one hour I
46counted ' number ` paces made on ' slope downward
0115
1 110
2wh and found them to be between sixteen hundred wh. may
3give a perpendicular height ` from twelve to fifteen
4hundred ft. Water boiled at 206° at
5Tala Mungonga above and at 208° at ' bottom
6of ' declivity. The air being at 72° in ' shade
7in ' former case and 94° in ' latter The temp-
8erature generally throughout ' day was 9 from
994° to 97° in ' coolest shade we could find
The rivulets wh. cut up ' valley ` Cassange
11were now dry but ' Lui and Luare contained
12abundance ` rather brackish water. The banks
13are lined with ^ pPalm and wild date trees, many
14guavas the fruit ` wh. was now becoming ripe
15A tree much like '
abounds but it
16does not yield fruit In these rivers a kind
17` edible musel ^ abounds is plentiful shells ` wh. exist in all '
18alluvial lands beds ` ' ancient rivers as far as
19' Kuruman. The brackish nature ` ' water
20probably enables it to exist here, Before we
21reached Cassange we were overtaken by ' Com-
22mandant Sn. Carvalho ^ who was returning with a
23detachment ` fifty men and a field
24piece from an unsuccessful search after
25some rebels. The rebels had fled and all
26that he could do was to burn their huts, he
27kindly invited me to take up my residence
28( with him but
[not wishing to pass by the
29gentleman who had so Capt
30Neves who had so kindly]
I had concluded to return to
31' hospitable mansion of ' Gentleman Capt
32Neves who had first received me on my ^ first arrival
33in ' Portuguese possessions I declined. Sn Rego had
34been superseded in his command, because
35' present Govr
[Amaral] who had come ^ into office since my departure from to Loanda since
36my departure from
37my departure had determined that ' law
38which requires ' office ` Commandant to be
0116
1 111
2exclusively occupied by military officers of ' line
3should again come into operation. I was again
4most kindly welcomed by my friend Capt Neves
5whom I found labouring under a violent inflamation
6and abscess of ' hand There is nothing in '
7situation ` this village to indicate unhealthiness
8except perhaps ' rank luxuriance ` ' vegetation
9Nearly all ' Portuguese inhabitants however suffer from
10enlargement of ' spleen the effects ` frequent
11intermittents and ^ have generally a sickly appearance many ` ' children are cut off
Thinking that this affection ` ' hand was simply
13an effort ` nature to get rid of malarious matter
14from ' system I recommended ' use ` quinine. ^
15
[He himself
16applied]
[The] and ' leaf ` a plant called Cathory famed
17among ' people ^ natives as an excellent remedy for
18ulcers being applied each medicine remedy of
19course claimed the merit ` ' cure The Cathory
20leaves when boiled exude a gummy juice
21wh. effectually shuts out the external air
Many ` ' children are cut off by fever
23A fine boy of Capt Neves had since my passage
24westward shared a similar fate Another child
25died during the period of my visit and [ ] the
26
[It] third being now sick his mother, a woman of colour
27sent for a diviner in order to ascertain what ought
28to be done. The diviner after throwing his dice
29p worked himself into a
{the} state of extacy in
30which they pretend to be in communication with
31the gods Barimo He then gave the oracular
32response that "the child was being killed by the
33spirit ` a Portuguese trader who once lived
34at Cassange" The case was this on the
35death ` ' above trader the other Portuguese
36merchants in ' village came together
0117
1 112
2and sold ' goods ` ' departed to each other, each
3man accounting for ' portion he took to ' creditors
4of ' deceased at Loanda The natives looking
5on and not understanding ' nature ` written
6mercantile transactions concluded that the
7merchants ` Cassange had simply stolen the
8dead mans goods and that now ' spirit was
9killing ' child ` Capt Neves for ' part he had
10in the affair. The diviner in his response
11showed revealed ' impression made on his own
12mind by ' sale and likewise ' native ideas of
13departed souls. As they give ' whites
14credit for greater stupidity than themselves
15in all these matters the mother ` ' child
16came and told the father that he ought to
17
[to give a slave
18to the diviner
19as payment
20for]
^ making a sacrifice to appease ' spirit and
21save ' life ` ' child. The father quietly
22sent for a neighbour and though the diviner
23pretended to remain in his state of extacy
24the brisk application of two sticks to his back
25suddenly reduced him to his senses and a pre-
26cipitate flight a most undignified flight
The mother ` this child seemed to
28have no confidence in European wisdom
29and though I desired her to keep ' child out of
30currents ` wind she preferred to follow her
31own custom and even got it cupped in '
32cheeks The consequence was ^ that the child was
33soon in a dying state and ' Father wishing
34it to be baptized I performed commended
35its soul to ' care & compassion of him who
36said Of such is ' Kingdom of Heaven
37The mother at once rushed away and commenced
38that doleful wail wh. is so affecting as
0118
1 113
2it indicates sorrow without hope She continued
3it without intermission until ' child was buried
4
[on the evening ^] Her female companions em used a small
5musical instrument which produced a kind of
6screaking sound as an accompaniment of ' ^ death wail
In the construction of this instrument
8they make use of cahouchou caoutchouc wh.
9with a variety of other gums is found in ^ different parts of this country
The intercourse which ' natives have had with
11white men does not seem to have much
12ameliorated their condition. A great
13number of persons are reported to lose their
14lives annually in different districts ` Angola
15by ' cruel superstitions to wh. they are addicted
16and ' Portuguese authorities either know nothing of
17them or are unable to prevent eradicate them
18prevent their occurrence The natives are
19bound to secrecy by those who administer the
20ordeal wh. generally causes ' death ` ' victim
A person when accused ` witchcraft
22in order to assert her innocency will often
23travel from distant districts in order to brave
24the test They come to a river in the Cassange
25district called Dua and as they drink the
26infusion ` a poisonous tree and perish unknown
A woman was accused by a brother in law
28of being ' cause ` his sickness while we were at
29Cassange She offered to take ' ordeal as they
30she had ' idea that it would but prove the
31
[her conscious] innocence of wh. she was conscious Capt N.
32refused his consent to her going and thus saved
33her life wh would have been sacrificed for the
34poison is very virulent; when a strong stomach
35rejects it the accuser and reiterates
{s} his charge
0119
1 114
2the dose is repeated and the person dies, hundreds
3perish thus every year in ' valley ` Cassange
The same superstitious ideas being prevalent
5through ' whole ` ' country north of ' Zambesi
6seems to indicate that ' people must originally
7have been one All beleive that ' souls ` ' departed
8still mingle among ' living and partake in
9some way of ' food they consume In sickness
10sacrifices ^ of fowls and goats are made to appease ' spirits. It
11is imagined that they wish to take ' living away
12from earth and all its enjoyments. When one
13has killed another a sacrifice is made
14as if to lay ' spirit of ' victim. A sect is
15reported to exist whothat kills men in order to
16take their hearts and offer them to the Barimo
17
[One] The mode of succession is extensively prevalent
18
[The sons of a sister
19belong to their uncle]
among all ' tribes south of the Zambesi the
20nephews by a sister are considered heirs of their
21uncle and occupy a spr superior place to his
22own children, and The uncles however do not
23seem to have much affection for ^ their newphews since they them, as nephews
24are often sold to pay his debts. By these customs
25more than by war is the slave market supplied
26The chieftainship is elective from certain families
27among ' Bangalas ` this Cassange valley the chief
28is chosen from three families in rotation A
29
[chiefs] brother inherits in preference to a
{his} son. The
30
[sons] nephews of a sister belong to her brother and he
31often sells his nephews to pay his debts. By
32this and other unnatural customs more than
33by war is the slave market supplied
The prejudices these people in favour
35of these practices are very deeply rooted in
36the native mind. Even at Loanda
0120
1 115
2they retire out of ' city in order to perform their
3heathenish rites without the cognizance ` ' authorities
4Their religion if such it may be called is one of
5dread. Numbers of charms are employed to
6avert ' evils with wh. they feel themselves to be
7encompassed - Occasionally you meet a
8man more cautious or more timid than the rest
9who with twenty or thirty charms hung round his
10neck, he seems to act upon ' principle `
11Proclus in his prayer to all ' gods & goddesses
Among so many he surely must have
13' right one The disrespect wh Europeans
14pay to ' objects ` their fear is in
{to} their minds
15only evidence ` greats folly. The
16While here I finished reproduced ' last ` my lost
17papers & maps and and as there is a post sent
18twice a month from Loanda I had ' happiness to
19receive a packet ` ' Times givingand among other news an account ` '
20Russian war up to the terrible charge of the
21light cavalry. The intense anxiety I felt to
22hear more may be imagined but I by every
23 true patriot but I was forced to be content with
24
[brood ^ on with in
25silent thoughts
26& uttered
{and utter}]
only my poor prayers for my friends ^ who perchance were now no more
until I reached
27' other side ` ' continent
A considerable
29trade is carried on with by the Cassange merchants
30with all ' surrounding territory by means of
31native traders whom they term "Pombeiros"
32Two of these called in ' history of Angola "The
33trading blacks" (os feirantes pretos) Pedro
34João Baptista, & A and Antonio José
35having been sent by a ' first Portuguese trader who
36that lived at Cassenge actually returned
37from some ` ' Portuguese possessions ^ in the East with
0121
1 116
2letters from ' Govr of Mozambique in the
3year 1815 proving as wasis remarked "the possibility
4of ^
[of so important a] communication between Mozambique and
5Loanda"
[This is the only
6instance of
7native Portuguese
8^ subjects crossing the
9continent - No
10European ever
11accomplished
12it though the
13casefact has lately
14been quoted as
15if the men had
16been "Portuguese"] Capt Neves was now
17actively engaged in preparing a present worth
18about fifty pounds to be sent by Pombeiros to
19Matiamvo It consisted of great quantities
20of cotton cloth, a large carpet and an armed-
21chair with a canopy and curtains of crimson ^ calico
22
[cotton ^] an iron bedstead, mosquito curtains beads &c
23and a number of pictures rudely pr
{pa}inted in
24oil by an embryo black-painter at Cassange
Matiamvo, like most ` ' natives in ' interior of
26' country had a strong wishdesire to possess a cannon
27and had sent ten large tusks to purchase one
28but it being Govt property it could not be sold
29he was now furnished with a blunderbuss
30mounted as a cannon wh will probably please
31him as well. A Portuguese gentleman
32Graça named A Sn. Grassa and some other
33Portuguese have visited this chief at different
34times but no European resides beyond ' Quango
35indeed it is contrary to ' policy ` ' Govt of Angola
36to allow their subjects to spread
[penetrate] farther into
37' interior The present would have been a good
38opportunity for me to visit the chief and I felt
39strongly inclined to do so as he had expressed
40some disatisfaction respecting ^ my treatment of
41by ' Chiboque and even threatened to punish
42them. As it would be improper to force
43my men to go thither I resolved to wait and
44see whether ' proposition might not emanate
45from themselves. When I can get my men
[the natives] to
46agree in ' propriety ` any step they go to the
0122
1 117
2end ` ' affair without a murmur I re
{sp}eak to
3them and treat them as rational beings and
4generally get on well with them in consequence
I have already remarked on the
6unhealthiness ` Cassange aand Capt Neves
7who possesses an enqu observing turn ` mind
8had remarked that always when ' west wind
9blows much fever immediately follows
10As long as Eastern
[erly] winds prevail all enjoy
11good health but in Jany FebFebruary March & April
12they ^ winds are variable and sickness is general extensively prevails
13 The season of the unhealthiness of ' westerly
14winds probably results from malaria being
15
[appearing to be] heavier than common air out is sweeping rolled
{ing} down
16into ' valley of Cassange from ' western ^ plateau and acts
17
[flows] somewhat in ' same way as the carbonic
18acid gas from bean fields
19is supposed by colliers to do -
20into coal pits - In the west
21of Scotland strong objections
22are made by that body
23of men to farmers planting
24beans in their vicinity
25from the belief that they
26render the mines unhealthy
27The gravitating
{on} of the malaria
28from the more elevated
29land of Tala Mungongo
30towards Cassange is
31the only way the unhealthiness
32of this spot on the
33prevalence of the Westerly
34winds can be accounted
35for - The banks of the
0123
1118
2Quango though much more
3marshy and covered
4with more ranker vegetation
5are comparatively healthy
6but thither the westerly
7wind does not seem to
8convey the noxious agent
9Feb 20 On the day of starting from
10Cassange, the westerly wind
11blew strongly and on
12the day following we
13were brought to a
14stand by several of our
15party being laid up of
16fever This complaint
17is the only serious drawback
18Angola possesses - It is
19in every other respect an
20agreeable land and admirably
21adapted for yielding a
22
[a]
[in] rich abundance of
23tropical produce for the
24rest of the world - Indeed I
25have no hesitation in asserting
26that had it been in the
27possession of the English
[England] it would
28Indeed now have been yielding as much supportof the raw
29
[or more materials] to
{for} her manufactures as an equal extent of
30territory in the So cotton growing states of North
31America. A railway from Loanda to this
32valley would secure ' trade ` most ` ' interior of
33South Central Africa. As soon as we could
34move onward towards ' Quango we did so,
35meeting in our course several trading parties
0124
1 119
2both native and Portuguese. ^ We met Two men belonging
3to We met two ` ' latter carrying a tusk weighing
4one hundred and twenty six pounds. The owner afterwards
5informed us that its fellow on the left side ` ' same
6elephant was one hundred and thirty pounds. It
7was eight feet 6½ inches long and 21 inches in
8circumference at ' part on wh. ' lip ` ' animal
9rests. The elephant was rather a small one
10as they are in is common in this hot central region
11Some idea may be formed ` ' strength ` his neck when
12it is recollected that he bore a weight ` 256lbs
The ivory wh comes from ' east & N. E. ` Cassange
14is very much larger than any to be found further
15South Col Capt Neves had one weighing 120lbs
16and this weight is by no means uncommon
17They have been found ^ weighing even 158lbs. Before
18reaching ' Quango we were again brought to a
19stand by fever in two ` my companions close to
20a
{the} residence of a Portuguese who rejoiced in ' name `
21William Tell & who lived here on ' banks of ' Q
{R}iver
22in spite ` ' prohibition ` ' Govt the policy being
We were using ' water ` a pond and this gentleman
24having come to invite me to dinner drank a little
25of some ^ it and caught fever in consequence
26If malarious matter exists in water it would
27have been a wonder if we escaped, for travelling
28in ' sun with and ^ with ' thermometer in ' pocket
29on ' shady side being always from 96° to 98°
[in ' shade] the
30evaporation from our bodies caused
{ing} much thirst
31we generally partook of every water we came to
32We had probably thus more disease than others
33might suffer who had better shelter
Mr Tell remarked that his garden was
35rather barren being still as he said wild
0125
1 120
2in funeral orgies. He acted with his wonted
3kindness though unfortunately drinking has got him
4so deeply into debt that he now keeps out ` ' way
5` his creditors. He informed us that the
6source of the Quango is ^ 8 days or one hundred miles to ' south of this and in
7a range called Mosamba in the country of '
8Basongo. We can see from this a sort of break
9in ' highland wh. stretches away round to Tala
10Mongongo through wh. the river comes
A death had occurred in a village about a mile
12off the people were busy beating drums & firing
13
[festive] guns - aThe funeral is
{ri}tes are half feasting, half-
14mourning ,and partaking somewhat ` ' character of
15an Irish wake. Their is nothing more
16heartrending than their death-wails. When
17they
[natives] turn their eyes to ' future world they
18have a cheerless enough view ` their own utter
19 helplessness & hopelessness. They fancy themselv
20completely in ' power ` thise departed
[disembodied
21spirits]
and look
22upon ' proba prospect ` following their
{m} as the
23greatest of misfortunes. Hence they are
24constantly deprecating ' wrath of departed
25spirits believing that if they are appeased there
26is no other cause ` death wh. but
27witchcraft wh. c
{m}ay be averted by charms
The whole ` ' coloured population of
29Angola are described as sunk in these
30gross superstitions but withhave the general
31opinion ^
[notwithstanding] that they are wiser in these matters
32than their white neighbours Each tribe
33have
{s} a consciousness of following their
{its} own
34best interests in ' best ways They are by
35no means destitute ` that self esteem wh.
36is so common in other nations yet they
0126
1 121
2fear all manner ` phantoms and have half-
3developed ideas and traditions ` something or other
4they know not what The pleasures ` animal
5life are ever present to their minds as the supreme -
6good and but for ' innumerable phantoms
7
[invisibilities ^] might enjoy their luscious
[luxurious] climate as much as it
8is possible for man to do. I have often thought
9in travelling through it that their land ^ that it presents
10pictures ` beauty wh angels might enjoy,
11how often have I beheld scenes in still
12mornings the very essence ` beauty and all bathed
13flooded with in quiet ' calm air ` delicious warmth
14yet ' occasional soft motion imparted a
15pleasing sensation of coolness as of a fan ---
16green grasses
{y} meadows — the cattle feeding
17
[The goats browsing] the goats kids skipping. The groups ` herd boys
18with minature bows arrows & spears, the fair-
19sex (of sooty black) winding their way to ' river
20with watering pots poised jauntily on their heads
21men sewing under ' shady banians, and old grey-
22headed men fathers sitting on ' ground with staff
23in hand listening to ' morning gossip while others
24carry trees or branches to repair their hedges
25and all this flooded with the bright African
26sunshine, & ' birds singing among ' branches
27before ' heat ` ' day has become intense, form
28pictures wh can never be forgotten
We are informed that a chief named
30Gando living on ' other side ` ' river had
{ving}
31been accused ` witchcraft was killed by
32' ordeal and his body thrown into ' Quango
The ferrymen demanded 30 yds ` calico
34but received 6 thankfully - The canoes were
35wretched carrying only 2 persons at a time
0127
1 122
2but my men being well acquainted with ' water
3we got over in about 2½ hours They excited
4' admiration ` ' inhabitants by ' manner in wh.
5they managed ' cattle & donkies in crossing
6The most stubborn ` beasts found himself powerless
7in their hands they five or six seizing hold
8on one bundled him at once into ' stream
9
[and he in this
10predicament
11always thought it
12best policy to
13give in & swim,
14The men]
^ They sometimes swam along with ' cattle and
15forced them to go on by dashing water at their
16heads The difference between my men &
17those ` ' native traders who accompanied us
18was never more apparent than now, for
19while my men felt an interest in every thing
20we possessed in common theirs were rather
21glad when ' oxen refused to cross, for being
22obliged to slaughter them they on such occasions
23they favoured ' loss to their masters unexpect
24
[was] a welcome feast to themselves On the
25eastern side ` ' Quango we passed on without
26visiting our friend ` ' conical head dress to '
27residence ` some Ambacistas who had crossed
28' river in order to secure ' first chances of
29trade in wax I have before remarked
30on ' knowledge ^ of reading & writing these Ambacistas possess they
31are famed for their love of learning of all
32sorts within their reach, a knowledge ` ' history
33of Portugal - Portuguese law &c &c They are
34not equal physically to ' Portuguese but
35They are remarkably keen in trade and
36are sometimes called the Jews of Angola
37They are employed as clerks and writers
38Their ^ feminine delicacy ` constitution enabling them to
39write a firm ladies hand a kind of writing much
40esteemed amongst the Portuguese They
0128
1 123
2are not physically equal to ' European Portuguese
3but possess considerable ability and it is said
4that half breeds in ' course of a few generations
5are said to return to ' black colour of ' maternal
6ancestor The black population ` Angola
7have become much deteriorated They are not
8so strongly formed as the independent tribes
9a large quantity ` agoardente an inferior
10kind of spirit is imported into ' country andwhich
11is most injurious in its effects. We saw many
12parties carrying casks ` this baneful liquor to '
13independent chiefs beyond - and were informed
14that is difficult for any trader to convey it
15far carriers being in ' habit ` helping themselves
16by means ` a straw and in
{th}en injecting
17an equal amount ` water when near ' point
18of delivery To prevent this it is common
19to see large demijohns with padlocks on '
20corks. These are frequently stolen. In fact
21the carriers are much addicted to both lying &
22thieving as might be expected from ' lowest
23class ` a people on whom ' injuriousdebasing slave system
24has acted for two centuries
The Bashinje in whose country we now are seem
26to possess more ` ' low negro character and
27physiognomy than either ' Balonda or Basonga
{o}o
28their colour is generally dirty black - foreheads
29low and compressed - noses flat and much
30expanded laterally though this is partly
31owing by to the alaeæ spreading over ' cheeks by
32' custom ` inserting bits ` sticks or reeds into
33the septum Their teeth are deformed by
34being filed into points Their lips are large
35They make a nearer approach to a general
0129
1 124
2negro appearance than tribe I met ^
[but I did not
3notice this on
4my way down]
They
5cultivate pretty largely and rely upon their
6agricultural products for their supplies of
7salt flesh tobacco &c cloths from ' Bangalas
Their clothing consists ` pieces ` skin hung
9loosely from ' girdle in front & behind They
10plait their hair fantastically we saw some
11women ^
[coming] with their hair woven into ' form of
12a European hat and it was only by a close
{er}
13inspection that its nature was detected
14Some In ot Others had it arranged in tufts
15with a threefold cord along ' ridge ` each tuft
16while others follow ' ancient Egyptian fashion
17having ' whole mass ` wool plaited into cords
18all hanging down as far as ' shoulders This
19fashion with ' somewhat Egyptian cast of '
20countenance in L
{s}ome parts of Londa
21reminded me strongly of ' Egyptian paintings in '
22British Museum We had now rains
23every day and ' sky seldom presented that
24cloudless aspect and clear blue so common
25in ' dry lands of the south The heavens are
26 often overcast by large white sluggish
27looking masses wh. stand for hours in the
28same position and ' intervening spaces are
29filled with a milk and water looking haze
30Notwithstanding these unfavourable
31circumstances I had obtained a good
32observations for ' longitude ` this important
33point on both sides ` ' Quango and found it
34the river running in 9° 50’ S Lat. in 18° 34’ E
35longitude On proceeding to our former
36station near ' village of Sansawe
37Sansawe he ran to meet us with
0130
1XLIV. 443-463 (Less 454-6) 125
wonderful urbanity asking if we had seen
3Moenep Moene Put King ` ' white men (or Portuguese
4and added on parting that he would come to receive his
5dues in the evening. I replied that as he had
6treated us so scurvily, ˄ even forbidding his people to sell
7us any food if he did not bring a fowl and some
8eggs as ˄
[part of] his duty as a chief, he should receive no present
9from me. When he came it was in ' usual Londa
10way ` showing ' exalted position he occupies, mounted
11on ' shoulders of his spokesman as little bo school
12boys sometimes as in England, and as was represented
13to have been ' case in ' south sea islands when Capt
14Cook visited them My companions
[amused at his idea
15of dignity] greeted
16him with a hearty laugh, an he visited ' native
17traders first and then came to me with two
18
as a present I spoke to him about the
19impolicy of the cond treatment we had received
20at his hands and quoted ' example ` ' Bangalas
21who had been conquered by ' Portuguese for their extor-
22tionate demands ` payment for firewood grass
23water &c and concluded by denying his right to any
24payment for simply passing through uncultivated land
To all this he agreed and then I gave his ˄ as a
26token of friendship a pannikin ` ˄ coarse powder
272 iron spoons and 2 yds ` crass painted calico
28He looked rather saucily at these articles for he
29had just received a barrel containing 9 18
[18 lbs] lbs ` powder
3024 yds of calico & 2 bottles ` brandy from Sn
31Pascoal the Pombeiro other presents were addedgiven
32next day
[but we gave
33nothing more]
and the Pombeiros informed me
34that it was necessary to give largely because
35they are accompanied by slaves and carriers who
36are no great friends to their masters and if they
37did not secure ' friendship ` these petty chiefs
0131
1 126
2many slaves and their burde loads might be stolen
3while passing through ' forests. It is thus a sort
4` black-mail these insignificant chiefs levy and '
5native traders in paying do so simply as a bribe to
6
[keep them] be honest.
[This chief was a man
7` no power but in our
8former ignorance ` this
9he plagued us a whole
10day in passing]
- Finding ' progress ` it Sn Pascoal and '
11other Pombeiros excessively slow I resolved to forgo his
12company to Cabango after I had delivered to him some
13letters to be sent back to Cassange, but on the
1419th April the ˄ intermittentfever wh had begun on ' 16th March
15was changed into an excessively severe attack of
16Rheumatic fever This was brought on by ˄ being obliged to sleeping
17on an extensive plain covered with water The rain
18poured down incessantly but we formed our beds by
19dragging up ' earth into oblong mounds somewhat like
20graves in a country church yard and then placing
21grass upon them The rain continuing to pour downdeluge us
22we were unable to leave for two days, but as soon
23as it became fair we continued our march
24The heavy dew upon ' high grass was so cold as tomade caused
25shivering and I was forced to lay bye for eight days
26
[tossing & groaning with] in violent pain ` ' head This was ' most severe
27attack I had had endured - It made me quite unfit to
28move or ˄ even know what was passing outside my
29little tent Sn Pascoal who had been detained
30by ' ˄ same rain ˄ at a better spot at last came up and knowing that leeches
31abounded in ' rivulets procured a number and applied
32some dozens to ' nape ` ' neck and loins. He was
33This partially relieved ' pain he was then obliged
34to move forward in order to purchase food for his
35large party As some as After some time I
36
[After
37many days I
38began to recover &
39but]
^ wished to move on but my men objected to ' attempt
40on account of my weakness When Sn. P. reached
41
[had been some time at] ^ ' villages in front as he had received instructions
42from his employer Capt Neves to aid me as much as
0132
1 127
2possible ˄ and being himself a kindly disposed person he sent back two messengers to write me
3to come on if practicable It happened that ' head-
4man ` ' village where I had lain upwards 22 days
5had in bargaining ˄ & quarrelling in my camp with one ` my men for a piece `
6meat had been struck on ' mouth
[by one of my men] My principle
7men paid as an 5 pieces ` cloth and a gun as an
8atonement but ' more they yielded ' more
9exorbitant he became and sent word to all
10' surrounding villages to aid him in avenging the
11affront
[of a blow
12on the beard]
As their courage usually rises with
13success I resolved to yield no more and departed
14In passing through a forest in ' country beyond
15we were startled by a body ` men rushing after us
16They began by knocking down some ` ' last burden ˄ the burdens of the hindermost
17` my party and firing several shots were fired on
18both sides, both ˄ each parties
{y} spreading out on eachboth sides
19` ' path I fortunately had a six barreled revolver
20wh. my friend Capt Henry Need of H. M Brig
21Linnet had considerately sent ˄ me to Golungo Alto after
22my departure from Loanda Taking this in my
23hand I
[staggered] went rushed ba along back along ' path
24with two or three of my men and fortunately ˄
[encountered] found
25' chief ` ' village. The sight ` ' six barrels lookinggaping
26into his stomach
[with my own
27ghastly visage
28looking daggers
29at his face]
seemed to produce an instant
30revolution in his martial feelings for he cryed
31out "Oh I have only come to speak to you and
32
[wish peace "
only"]
to join the peace society Mashauana had
33hold of him by ' hand and found him shaking. We
34examined his gun and found that it had been
35discharged. Both parties crowded up to their
36chiefs. One ` ' opposite party coming too near
37one ` my men drove him back with an ˄ battle axe
38The enemy protested their amicable intentions
39and my men asserted the fact ` having ˄ the goodsbeen knocked
0133
1 128
2down ˄ as evidence ` the contrary without waiting long I invitedrequested all to sit
3down and Pi my man Pitsane placing his hand
4upon ' revolver ˄ somewhat allayed their fears I then said to the
5chief If you have come with peaceable intentions
6we have no other Go away back to your village
7He replied I am afraid lest you shoot me in the
8back I answeredrejoined If I wanted to shootkill you I could shoot
9you in ' face as well Mosantu called out to
10me "That's only a Makalaka trick dont give
11him your back" but I rejoinedsaid tell him
[to observe that
12I am not]
to observe that I am not
13afraid of him and turning my back mounted my ox
There was not much danger in ' fire that was
15opened ˄ at first there being so many trees The enemy probably
16expected that ' sudden attack would make us
17forsake our goods and allow them to plunder with ease
18The villagers were no doubt pleased with being allowed
19to retire unscathed and we were ˄ also glad to get away
20without having shed a drop of blood or ˄ having compromising
{ed}
21ourselves in
{for} any future visit. My men were
22highly pleased with their own bravery and made
23' woods ring with telling each other what they would
24have done had hostilities not been brought to a
25sudden close I beleive I do not mention this
26little affairskirmish as a very frightful affair. The negro
27character in these parts and in Angola is essentially
28cowardly except when influenced by success. A
29partial triumph over any body ` men would
30induce ' whole country to rise in arms and this
31is ' chief danger to be feared These petty
32chiefs have individually but little power and with
33my men now armed with guns I could have easily
34beat ˄ them off as singly ^ but being ` ' same family
35they would readily unite in vast numbers if
36incited by prospects ` successful plunder
0134
1 129
2They are by no means equal to ' Cape Caffres in any
3respect whatever In ' evening we came to
4Moenaki Kikanje and found him a sensible
5man. He This is ' last ` ' Chiboque chiefs
[in this direction] and is
6in alliance with Matiamvo whose territory commences
7
[a short distance
8beyond]
^ here his village is placed on ' east bank ` ' Quango
9wh Quilo wh is here 20 yds wide and breast high
10The country was generally covered with forest and
11we slept every night at some village I was so
12weak and
[and became so] deaf from ' effects ` ' fever that I was
13glad to avail myself ` ' company ` Sn Pascoal &
14the other native traders Our rate ` travelling
15was only 2 geographical miles per hour and the
16average number ` hours 3½ per day or 7 miles
17One third ` ' month was spent in stoppages there
18being only ten travelling days in each month The
19stoppages were caused by sickness and ' necessity of
20remaining in different parts to purchase food,
[and also because
21when one
22carrier was
23sick the
24rest refused
25to carry his
26load]
One ` ' Pombeiros had 8 good looking
28women in a chain whom he was taking to ' country
29` Matiamvo to sell for ivory They always
30looked ashamed when I happened to come near them
31and must have felt keenly their forlorn ˄ & degraded position
32I beleive they were captives taken from the rebel
33Cassange's The way in wh. slaves are spoken of
34in Angola and eastern Africa must sound strangely
35even to ' owners when they first come from Europe
36In Angola ' common appellation is "P diabo" and
37or "brutu" and it is quite common to hear gentlemen
38call out "O diabo! bring fire" In eastern Africa
39on ' contrary they apply ' term "bicho" (an animal)
40and you hear the phrase Call the "animal" to do
41this or that. In fact slave owners come to
42regard their slaves as not human and will
0135
1 130
2curse them as ' race ` a dog The most of the
3carriers ` my travelling companions were hired Basongo
4and required constant vigilance to prevent theft ` ' goods
5they carried. Salt wh. is one ` ' chief articles con-
6veyed into this country became considerably lighter
7as we went along but ' carriers shielded themselves
8with by saying that it had been melted by ' rain
9Their burdens were taken from them every evening
10and placed in security under ' guardianship of
11Sn Pascoal's own slaves It was pitiable to observe
12' worrying life he led There was ' greatest contrast
13possible between ' conduct ` his people and that of
14my faithful Makololo ^
On
[ We crossed
16the Loange a
17deep but narrow
18stream by a
19bridge It
20becomes much
21larger & contains
22hippopotami
23lower down
24It is the boundary
25Londa on
26the west - We
27slept also
28on the banks
29of the Pezo
30now flooded
31and could
32not but
33admire their
34capabilities
35for easy
36irrigation
37but on the
3825th March as above]
reaching ' river Chikapa ' 25th March we found it 50 ˄ or 60 yds wide and flowing
39to ' east north east E N. E into ' Casai. The
40adjacent country is ` ' same level nature
41as that part ` Londa formerly described
42but having come now
{far}ther to ' eastward than our
43former course we found that all ' rivers had
44worn for themselves much deeper vallies than
45those we at ' parts we had formerly crossed them
The people ` these parts surrounded on all sides
47by large gloomy forests have a much more
48indistinct idea ` ' geography ` their country
49than people those who live in hilly regions
50it was only after long and patient enquiry that
51I became fully persuaded that ' Quilo runs
52into ' Chikapa. As we now crossed them ˄ both con-
53siderably further down and were much to '
54eastward there could be no doubt that these
55rivers took ' same course as ' others into the
56Casai and that I I had been led into a mistake
57in saying that any ` them flowed to ' westward
58Indeed it was now only that I began to perceive
0136
1 131
2that all ' western feeders ` ' Casai except ' Quango
3flow first from ' western side towards ' centre ` '
4country then gradually turn ˄ with the Casai itself round to ' north and
5after ' confluence ` ' Casai with ' Quango an immense
6body ` water collected for all these branches
7finds its way out ` ' country by means ` ' river Congo
8or Zaire ˄
[on the West
9Coast]
The people living along ' path
10we are now following were quite accustomed to '
11visits ` native traders and did not feel in any way
12bound to make any presents of food except for '
13purpose ` cheating, thus, a man gave me a present
14` a fowl and some meal and after somea short time
15returned when I gave him a handsome present of
16beads but these he declined and demanded a
17cloth instead ˄ wh was far more than ' value of his gift
[They did ' same with
18my men until we
19had to refuse presents
20altogether]
Others made high demands
21because I slept in a "house ` cloth" and must be
22rich They seemed to think that they had a perfect
23right to payment for simply passing through
24their village Beyond ' Chikapa we crossed '
25Camaue Camaue a small ˄ deep stream coming from ' S S.W, fling
26Loajima in to ' Chikapa On ' 30 April we reached ' Loajima
27where we had to form a bridge to effect our passage
This was not so difficult an operation as some
29might imagine for a tree had fallen was growing
30in a horizontal position across part ` ' stream
31and there being no want ` ' tough climbing plants
32wh. admit ` being knitted like ropes Mr Sn P.
33soon constructed a bridge The Loajima was
34here about 25 yds wide but very much deeper
35than when we had I had crossed before on ' shoulders
36of Mashuana The last rain ` this season
37had fallen on ' 28th April and that had suddenly
38been followed by a great decrease ` ' temperature
39The people in these parts seemed more slender in
132
2Chap XXIII Make a detour southward
3Peculiarities of the inhabitants Scarcity of
4animals Forests Geological structure of the
5Country Abundance and cheapness of food near
6the Chihombo A slave lost The Makololo's
7opinion of slaveholders Funeral obsequies in
8Cabango Send a sketch of the country to Mr
9Gabriel Native information respecting the
10Casai and Quango The trade with Luba
11Drainage of Londa Report of Matiamvo's
12country and govt Senhor Faria's present
13to a chief The Balonda mode of spending
14time Faithless guide Makololo lament
15the ignorance of the Balonda Eagerness of the
16Villagers for trade Civility of a female chief
17 The Chief Bango and his people - Refuse
18to eat beef Ambition of Africans to have
19a village Winters in the interior Spring
20at Kolobeng White ants - "Never could
21desire to eat anything better" Young herbage
22and animals Valley of the Loembu^wee
23The white man a hobgoblin Specimen of
24quarrelling Eager desire for calico
25Want of clothing at Kawawa's Funeral
26observances Agreeable intercourse with
27Kawawa his impudent demand
28Unpleasant parting Kawawa tries to
29prevent our crossing the river ˄ Casai. Stratagem
133
2form and their colour more ˄ a lighter olive than any we
3had hitherto met The mode ` dressing their great
4masses ` wooly hair wh lay upon their shoulders
[together with their
5general features]
6again reminded me of ' ancient Egyptians
7Several were seen with ' upward inclination of ˄ the outer angl
[outer angles of] ' eye
8but this was not general A few ` ' ladies whom
9we had met to ' west ` ' Chikapa adopt a curious
10custom ` prolonging attaching ' hair to a hoop which
11encircles ' head giving them it somewhat ' appearance
12of ' glory round ' head ` ' virgin Many tatoo their
13bodies by inserting some ˄ black substance beneath ' skin
14wh. leaves an elevated cicatrix ˄ about half an inch long These are made
15in ' form ` stars and other figures not of any peculiar
16beauty We made a little detour to ' southward
17in order to get provisions in a cheaper market
18Tamba this led us along ' rivulet called Tamba we
19found ' people who had not been visited so frequently
20as
{by} ' slave traders as ' rest ˄ they were rather timid and very
21civil It was agreeable to get again among '
22uncontaminated and to see ' natives look at us
23without that air of superciliousness wh. is so un-
24pleasant and common on ' beaten track
25The same olive colour prevails,
{ed}; they file their
26teeth to a point and wh. makes ' smile ` ' women
27frightful as one is reminded of
{by} them of it reminds
28one of ' grin of an alligator - The inhabitants
29throughout this country exhibit as
30great a variety of tastes as
31appears on the surface of
32society among ourselves - Many
33of the men are dandies - their
34shoulders are always wet
35with the oil ^ dropping from their ˄ well lubricated hair
36and everything about them is
37ornamented in one way or other
0139
1134
2some thrum a musical instrument
3the livelong day and when they
4awake at night proceed at
5once to their musical performance
6Many of these musicians
7b
{a}re too poor to have iron
8keys to their instruments, but
9make them of bamboo &
10persevere though no one
11hears the music but them
12-selves - Others try to appear
13warlike by never appear
14going out of their huts
15except with a load of bows
16and arrows or a gun
17ornamented with a strip
18of hide for every animal they
19have shot - and others
20never go anywhere without
21a canary in a cage - Ladies
22may be seen carefully tending
23little lapdogs where are intended
24to be eaten - Their villages
25are generally in forests & com-
26-posed of numbers of groups
27of irregularly planted brown
28huts with banana and cotton trees
29and tobacco standing around There are also
30at every hut a high stage erected for drying
31manioc roots and meal and elevated cages
32to hold domestic fowls Round baskets
33are laid on their ˄ thatch of the hutssides for ' hens to lay in and
34on ' arrival ` strangers both men women and
35children ply their calling as hucksters
0140
1 135
2
[w] With a great deal ` noisy haggling; all their trans-
3actions are conducted with a great civil banter
4and good temper My men having ' meat
5` ' oxen wh we slaughtered from time to time for sale
6were eagerly ˄ entreated applied to asked to exchange it for
7meal, no matter how small ' pieces offered
8were it gave them pleasure to deal The forest
9
[landscape] around is green with a tint ` yellow ' grass long
10' paths about a foot wide and generally wornworn
11deeply in ' middle The tall grass over hanging
12when brushed against by ' feet and legs disturbed
13' lizards and mice and occasionally a serpent
14making them rustle causing a rustling amongst
15' herbage There are not many birds, every
16animal is entrapped and eaten, gins are
17seen on both sides ` ' path, every ten or fifteen
18yds for miles together The time ˄ & labour required to
19dig up moles & mice from their burrows
[if applied to
20cultivation]
would
21afford food for any amount ` fowls or swine
22but these the latter are seldom met with
Passing on through forests abounding
24in climbing plants many ` wh. are so extremely
25tough that a man is required to go in front
26with a hatchet and when the burdens of the
27carriers are caught they are obliged to cut '
28climbers with their teeth for no amount ` tugging
29will make them break The paths in all these
30cases are so zigzag that a person may imagine
31he has travelled a distance ` 30 miles which
32when reckoned as ' crow flies may not be 15
Moamba We reached ' river Moamba on ' 7th
34May This is a stream ` 30 yds wide ˄ & like all
35those we have mentioned ' Quilo Loanje, Chikapa
36and La
{o}oajima contains both alligators & hippopotomi
0141
1 136
2afterwards found that though he had offered a large
3sum to any one who would return with an
4assurance of having delivered the last packet he
5sent no one followed me with them to Cabango
The unwearied attentions of this good Englishman
7from his first welcome to me when a weary
8dejected and worn down stranger I arrived
9at his residence and his whole subsequent
10conduct will be carried in lively remembrance
11by me to my dying day Several
12` ' native traders having visited ' country of
13Luba and Mai lying far to ' north ` this
[and seeing also someseveral ` '
14natives]
I picked
15up from information respecting those distant lands
16There were also some
Several of the native traders here
18having visited the country of Luba
19lying far to the North of this, and
20there being ssome visitors also
21from the town of Mai which
22is situated far down the Casai
23I picked up some information respecting
24those distant parts In going to ' town
25` Mai ' traders crossed only 2 large rivers the
26Loajima and Chihomba The Casai flows
27a little to ' E of ' town ˄ of Mai and near which
28
[and near to it] ^ there is a long waterfall They describe '
29Casai as there of very great size and that it
30
[thence ^] then turns ro bends round to ' W. On asking
31an old man who was about to return to his chief,
32 Mai, to imagine himself standing at his home
33and point to ' confluence ` ' Quango and Casai
34he immediately turned and pointed to ' westward
35and said "When we travel 5 days ˄ (35 or 40 miles) in that direction
36we come to it" He stated also that ' Casai
0142
1 137
2received another river named ' Lubilash. There
3is but one opinion among ' Balonda as to respecting
4' Casai and Quango They invariably describe the
5Casai as receiving ' Quango and beyond ' confluence
6assuming ' name ` z
{Z}airé or Zerézeré. At '
7
[and '] Casai ˄ even previous to ' junction is much larger
8than ' Quango from ' numerous branches it
9receives Besides those we have already
10crossed we havethere is ' Chihombo ˄ at Cabango and 42 miles beyond
11this ' C eastwards runs ' Casai itself - fourteen
12miles beyond that ' Caunguesi, then 42 miles
13further east flows ' Lolua besides numbers ` little
14streams all ` wh contribute to swell ' Casai
About 34 ms E of ' Lolua or 132 ms. E N. E of
16Cabango stands ' town ` Matiamvo ' paramount
17chief of all ' Balonda The town ` Mai is
18pointed out as to ' N.N.W. ` C
{t}his place Cabango or
19and 32 days or 224 ms. distant or about
20Lat South 5° 45' The chief town of Luba
21another independent chief is 8 days distant
22
[farther ^] in ' same direction or Lat S 4° 50' Judging
23from ' appearance ` ' people who had come for the
24purposes ` trade from Mai the people in it are
25in quite as uncivilized a condition as ' Balonda
26They are clad of a kind of cloth made of ' inner
27bark ` a tree Neither guns nor native traders
28are admitted into ' country ` ˄ the chief of Luba as ' chief
29entertains a dread of innovation If a native
30trader goes thither he must cla dress like the
31common people with in Angola with a loose
32robe resembling a kilt The chief trades in
33shells and beads only, his people kill ' elephants
34by means of spears poisoned arrows and
35traps They all assert that elephants tusks
0143
1 138
2coming from that country are heavier and of
3 greater length than any other. It is evident
4
[from] that all ' information I could collect that
5
[both here and
6elsewhere]
˄ ' drainage ` Londa falls to ' north and then
7runs westward. The country
{ies} ` Luba and of Mai
8is
{are} evidently lower than this and yet this is of no
9great altitude probably not more than
103000 ft. above ' level ` ' sea. Having here
11received pretty certain information on a point
12in wh I felt much interest namely whether
13
[that] ' Casai was ˄ not navigable from ' Coast owing to the
14large waterfall near ' town ` Mai and that
15no great Kingdom existed in ' region beyond
16
[toward between ˄] this and ' equator I would fain have visited
17' greatest Matiamvo. This seemed a very
18desirable step
[as it is good
19policy as well
20as right
21to acknowledge
22the sovereign
23of country]
forand I was assumed by both n
{B}alonda
24and native traders that a considerable branch of
25' Zambesi rises in ' country east ` his town
26and flows away to ' South The people ` that
27part named Kanel Kanyika and Kanyoka
28living on its banks are represented to be both numerous
29and friendly but Matiamvo will on no account
30permit any white person to visit them as his
31principle supplies ` ivory are drawn from them
32Thinking that we might descend this branch ` '
33Zambesi to Masiko's and thence to ' Barotse
34I felt a strong inclination to make ' attempt
35The goods however we had brought with us to pay
36our way had by the long detention from fever and
37weakness in both myself and men dwindled to
38a mere fragment and I being but slightly acquainted
39with ' Balonda dialect I felt that I could rather
40make use of my powers of persuasion over presents
41to effect my object From all I could hear
0144
1 139
2of Matiamvo there was no chance ` my being
3allowed to proceed through his country to ' southward
4& If I had gone merely to visit him all the
5goods would have been expended by ' time I returned to
6Quaban Cabango. We had not found mendicity
7so pleasant on our way to ' north as to induce us
8to desire to return to it The country of Mat-
9iamvo is said to be well peopled but they
10have little or no trade They receive calico
11salt gunpowder pottery coarse earthenware
12and beads and given in return ivory, beeswax
13and slaves They possess no cattle Matiamvo
14alone having a single herd wh. he keeps entirely for
15' sake ` ' flesh The present chief is said ti
16be mild in his govt and will depose an
17under chief for unjust conduct he occasionaly
18sends ' distance of a hundred miles or more
19to behead an offending officer but though I
20was informed by ' Portuguese that he possesses
21absolute power his name had less influence
22
[over] with ˄ his subjects with whom I came in contact
23than that of Sekeletu over his peoples living
24at a much greater distance from ' capital
As we thought it best to strike away
26to ' S. E. from Cabango to our old friend
27Katema I asked a guide ˄ from Muanzanza as soon as funeral
28proceedings were over to this he agreed he
29agreed to furnish one and also accepted a
30smaller present from me than usual when
31it was represented to him by Sn Pascoal
32and Faria that I was not a trader. He
33seemed to regard these presents as his proper dues
34and as a cargo ` goods had come by Sn Pascoal
35he entered ' house for ' purpose ` receiving his
0145
1140
2share and Sn Faria gravely presented him
3with a vessel never seen on tables The chief
4received it with expressions ` abundant gratitude
5"Zambi Zambi" as these vessels are highly valued
6because ˄ from their depth they can hold ˄ so much food or beer
7The association of ideas
[was to my mind
8so very ludicrous
9that it was extremely
10difficult]
was to my mind so ludicous made it difficult
11for me to maintain an equal gravity with
12equal to that of the donor and recipient
Several ` ' children ` ' late Matiamvo
14came to beg from me but never to offer any
15food Having spoken to one young man
16named Liula (Heavens) about their stinginess
17he soon brought bananas and manioc I liked
18
[his] ' appearance
[and conversation
19and believe
20they would
21not be difficult
22to teach - but
23their mode
24of life would
25be a drawback]
' The Balonda in this quarter
26much more than that of ˄ handsome agreeable looking than any ` ' inhabitants
27near ' coast The women allow their teeth
28to remain in their natu beautifully white
29state and ˄ would be comely but for ' custom of
30inserting pieces of reed into ' cartilage of '
31nose They seem generally to be in good
32spirits and spend their time in everlasting
33talk funeral ceremonies & marriages This
34flow ` animal spirits wh must be one reason
35why they are such an indestructible race -
-- The habitual influence on their minds of
37
[of the providence ^] ' unseen spirits may have a tendency in '
38same direction by preserving ' mental
39quietude of a kind of fatalism
We were forced to prepay our guide and his
41father too & he went but one day although
42he promised to go with us to Katema - he
43was not ˄ in ' least ashamed at breaking his engagements
44and probably no disgrace will be attached to '
45deed by Moun Muanzanza Among
46the Bakwains he would have been
47 punished
0146
1 141
2My men would have stripped him of ' wages but
3thought that as we had always gone on ' least
4offensive principles they let him move off.
They frequently lamented ' want ` knowledge in
6these people saying in their own tongue "Ah!
7they don't know that we are men as well as
8they" and that we are only bearing with their
9insolence with patience
[because we
10are men"]
" Then would follow a
11hearty curse showing that ' patience was nearly
12expended - but They seldom quarreled in ' language
13` ' Balonda. The only offender one who ever
14lost his temper was ' man who struck a headman
15of one ` ' villages on ' mouth and he was ' most
16abject individual in our company.
The reason why we needed a guide at all
18was to secure ' convenience of a path which
19though generally no better than a sheep-
20walk is much easier than going straight in
21one direction through tangled forests and
22tropical vegetation We knew ' general
23direction we ought to follow and also th
24if any deviation occurred from our proper route
25but to avoid impassable forests and un-
26treadable bogs and to get to ' proper fords
27` ' rivers we always tired to procure a guide
28and he always followed a
{the} common path
29from one village to another when that lay
30in ' direction we were going After leaving
31Cabango on ' 21st we crossed several little
32streams running into ' Chihungoombo on our left
33and in one of them saw tree fernsfor ' first
34time ˄ in Africa The trunk was about four ft
35high and about ten inches in diameter
36We saw also grass trees of two varieties
0147
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2wh in damp localities had attained a height of
3forty feet On crossing ' Chihombo wh
4we did about 12 ms above Cabango we found
5it waist high deep and rapid We were delighted
6to see ' evidence ` buffalo and hippopotami on
7its banks As soon as we got away from '
8track ` ' slave traders ' more kindly spirit
9of ' southern Balonda appeared for an old
10man brought a large present ` food from
11one ` ' villages and volunteered to go as guide
12himself The people however ` ' numb
{e}rous
13villages wh we passed always made
14efforts to detain us that they might have
15a little trade in ' way of furnishing our suppers
16-- At one village indeed they refused to
17show us the path at all unless we remained
18at least a day with them. Having refused
19we took a path in ' direction we ought to go
20but it led us into an inextricable thicket
21returning to ' village again we tried another
22footpath in a similar direction but this
23led us into an equally impassable ˄ & trackless forest We were
24thus forced to ^
[come back &] remain and In ' following morning
25they put us on ' proper path wh in a few
{five} hours
26led us through a forest wh ^ that would have taken
27us days to penetrate without Beyond
28this forest we found ' village ` ˄ Nyakalonga a sister of ' late
29Matiamvo who treated us handsomely. She
30wished her people to guide us to ' next village
31but this they declined unless we engaged in
32trade She herself ^ then only requested us to wait
33an hour or two till she could get ready a
34present ` meal manioc roots ground nuts
35and a fowl. It was truly pleasant to
0148
1 143
2meet with people possessing some civility
3after ^
[the hauteur] what we had experienced on ' slave path.
4She sent her son to ' next village without
5
[requiring] payment The stream wh ran past her
6village was quite impassable there and for a
7distance ` about a mile on either side the
8bog being soft and shaky and when ' crust was
9broken through about 6 ft deep On ' 28th we
10reached the village ` ' chief Bango who brought
11us a handsome present ` meal and ' meat of
12an entire pallah. We here slaughtered '
13last ` ' cows presented us by Mr Schut which
14I had kept milked until it only gave a tea-
15spoonful at a time My men enjoyed a
16hearty laugh when they found that I had given
17up all hope ` more for they had been talking
18among themselves about my perseverance
19We offered a leg of the cow to Bango but
20he informed us that neither he nor his people
21ever partook ` beef as they looked upon it
22
[cattle] as in light ` being human and living at home
23as
{like} men none ` his people purchased any `
24' meat as was always eagerly done everywhere
25else There are several other tribes who
26refuse to keep cattle ˄ though not to eat them when offered by others because say they
27oxen bring enemies and war but this is
28' first instance I have met with in which
29they have been refused as food
The fact ` killing ' pallahs for food shows
31that ' objection does not extend to meat in
32 general The little streams in this
33part ` country did not flow in deep dells
34nor were we troubled with ' gigantic grasses
35wh annoyed our eyes on ' slopes ` ' streams
0149
1144
2before we came to Cabango The country
3was quite flat and The people cultivated manioc
4very extensively There is no large collection of '
5inhabitants on any one spot The ambition
6of each seems to be to have his own little village
7and we see many crossing from distant parts
8with ' flesh ` buffaloes and antelopes as the
9tribute claimed by Bango We have now
10entered again ' country ` ' game but they
11are so exceedingly shy we have not yet
12seen a single animal The arrangement
13
[into many] of villages pleases ' Africans vastly for every
14one who has a few huts under him feels
15himself to
{in} some measure to be a chief
16The country at this time is covered with
17yellowish grass quite dry some ` ' bushes
18and trees are green others are shedding their
19leaves the young buds pushing off ' old
20foliage Trees wh. in ' south stand bare
21during ' winter months have here but a short
22period of leaflessness Occasionally however
23a cold south winds comes up even as far as
24Cabango and spreads a wintry aspect on
25all ' exposed vegetation The tender
26shoots ` evergreen trees on ' south side become
27as if scorched The leaves of manioc, pumpkins
28and other tender plants are killed
29while ' same plants kinds in spots sheltered
30by forests continue green though ' whole year
31All ' interior ` South Africa has a distinct
32winter ^ ' cold varying in intensity of cold with ' latitudes
33In ' interior parts of ' Cape Colony ' cold in '
34winter is often intense severe and ' ground is
35covered with snow At Kuruman snow
0150
1145
2seldom comes falls but ' frost is keen Frost
3There is frost even as far as ' Chobe and a partial
4winter in ' Barotse valley but beyond ' Orange
5river we never have cold and damp[ ] combined
6Indeed a shower of rain seldom or never falls
7during winter and hence ' healthiness of ' Bechuana
8climate From ' Barotse valley northwards
9it is questionable if it even freezes but during
10' prevalence ` ' south wind ' thermometer makes as
11low as 32°
[42°] and conveys ' impression ` bitter cold
Nothing can exceed ' beauty ` ' change from
13the wintery appearance to that ` spring in
{a}t
14
[Kolobeng ^] Previous to ' commencement ` ' rains an
15easterly wind blows ˄ strongly by day daily but dies away at
16night The clouds collect in increasing
17masses and releive in some measure the
18bright glare ` ' southern sun The wind
19drys up everything and when at its greatest
20strength is hot and raises clouds ` dust - The
21general temperature during ' day rises above
2296° then showers begin to fall and if the
23ground is but once well soaked with a
24good days rain ' change produced is
25marvellous In a day or two a tinge
26of green is apparent all over ' landscape
27and in 5 or 6 days the first leaves shooting
28
[sprouting] forth and ' young grass shooting up give
29an appearance ˄ of spring wh. it requires weeks of '
30colder climate to produce
477 146
2
[;] reca
{obs}erving also that there is no known
3abrupt lateral mountain range between
46° & 12. S - but that there is an elevated
5partition there, and that the Southing and
6Northing of the South Easters & North Easters,
7probably cause a confluence of the two
8great atmospheric currents; and he will
9percieve an accumulation of humidity
10on the flanks & crown of the partition,
11instead of, as elsewhere, opposite the
12Kalahari and Darfur a deposition of
13the atmospheric moisture on the Eastern
14slopes of the late
{s}ubtending ridges -
15This explanation is offered with all deference
16to those who have made meteorology their
17special study and as a hint to travellers
18who may have opportunity to examine the
19subject more fully - I often observed that
20while on a portion of the partition that the
21air by night was generally quite still - but
22as soon as the sun's rays began to shoot
23acor
{ro}ss the upper strata of the atmosphere in
24the early morning, a copious discharge
25came suddenly down from the accumulated
26clouds - It always reminded me of the
27putting a rod into a saturated solution of
28a certain salt causing instant chrystallization -
29This too was the period when I often observed
30the greatest amount of cold
31 Foot note, Since the another
{expl}anation
32in page 95 was printed I have been pleased to see
33the same explanation given by the popular astronomer
34and natural philosopher M Babinet in reference
35in reference to the climate of France - It is quoted from
36a letter of a correspondent of the Times in Paris -
37 Insert the passage marked
P. 503-532 147
2XLVII So ^ in accordance with ' advice ` my Libonta friends
3I did not fail to reprove "my child on this butSekeletu"
4for his marauding acts This was not done in an angry manner
5for no [ ]
{good} is ever achieved by fierce denunciation Motiba
{e}'s
6fat his father in law said to me "Scold him much but dont
7let others hear you".
The Makololo expressed great
9satisfaction with ' route to the West we had opened up
10and soon after our arrival a Picho was called in order to discuss
11' question of removal to ' Barotse valley in order ^ so that they might to be nearer
12' market Some of ' older men objected to abandoning ' line
13` defence afforded by ' river Chobe and Zambesi against their
14southern enemies the Matebele The Makololo ^ generally have
15an aversion to ' Barotse valley because ^ on account of ' fevers wh. are
16annually engendered in it as ' waters dry up They prefer
17it ^ only as a cattle station, for though ' herds are frequently thinned
18by an epidemic disease (peripneumonia) they breed so fast
19that ' losses are soon replaced made good. Wherever ^ else ' Makololo
20go they always leave a portion ` their stock in ' charge ` herdsmen
21in ^ that prolific valley Some of ' younger men objected to removal
22because ' rankness of ' grass at ' Barotse did not allow ` their
23running fast and because there "it never becomes cool"
24Sekeletu at last stood up and addressing me said "I am
25perfectly satisfied as to ' great advantages ` ' path for trade
26wh. you have opened and think that we ought to go to ' Barotse
27in order to make ' way ^ from us to Loanda shorter but with whom am I to live there?
28if you were coming ^ with us I would remove tomorrow but now you
29are going to ' white man's country to bring Ma Robert and when
30you return you will find me near to ' spot on wh you wish
31 to dwell" I had then no idea that any healthy spot
32existed in ' country and thought only ` a convenient central
33situation adapted for intercourse with ' adjacent tribes and
34with ' coast such as that near to ' confluence ` ' Leeba & Leeambye
The fever is certainly a drawback to this otherwise important
36missionary field The great humidity produced by heavy rains
0153
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22 with ' exception of sugarless coffee
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
0154
1 148
2and inundations the exuberant vegetation caused by fervid
3heat in rich moist soil and ' prodigious amount of decaying ` vegetable
4matter annually exposed after ' inundations to ' rays ` a torrid
5sun with a flat surface often covered by forest through wh. ' winds
6cannot pass all combine to render ' climate far from salubrious
7for any portion ` ' human family but ' fever thus caused & rendered
8virulent is almost ' only bugbear disadvantage disease it possesses Theres is no con-
9sumption nor scrofula and but little insanity Small pox and
10measelssles paid a visited the country some 30 years ago and cut off
11many but they have since made no return although ' former has
12been almost constantly in one part or ^ another of ' coast - Singularly
13enough ' people useused inoculation for this disease and in one village
14where they seem to have chosen a malignant case from wh to inoculate
15' rest nearly ' whole village was cut off I have seen but one case
16of hydrocephalousus a few ` epilepsy none of cholera or cancer and
17many diseases common in Eng are here quite unknown It is
18true that I suffered severely from fever but my experience cannot
19be taken as a fair criterion in ' matter. Compelled to sleep on '
20damp ground month after month dur exposed to drenching
21showers and getting ' lower extremities wetted two or three times
22every day living on native food during ' journey to ' N. and ' latter
23half ` ' return journey and that food being ' manioc roots & meal
24wh contains so much starch that ' eyes become affected and
25during many hours each day being exposed in comparative inaction
26to ' direct rays ` ' sun – the thermometer standing above 96° in ' shade
27these constitute a more pitiful hygiene than any missionaries
28who may follow will ever have to endure I do not mention
29these privations as if I considered them to be "sacrifices" for I think
30that ' word ought never to be applied to any thing we can do
31for Him who came down from heaven and died for us, but I
32suppose it is necessary to mention them in order that no un-
33favourable opinion may be formed from my experience as
34to how others might be now if what that ` an
{oth}ers less exposed to ' vicissitudes ` ' weather
35and change ` diet might be
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11 or least fatal
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22 either
I believe that the Interior of this country presents a
3much more inviting field for the Philanthropist
4than does the West coast where missionaries
5of the church missionary ^ United Presbyterian & other societies have
6long laboured with the most marvellousastonishing devoted
7ness and ^ never flagging zeal - There the fevers are much
8more virulent than
{and} & more speedily fatal
9than here - for from 8° South they
10almost invariably take on allthe intermittent
11^ type and their effect is
{being} to enlarge the spleen
12which ^ a complaint ^ which is of
{b}est treated by
13a change of climate which ^ & that we have
14at hand on passing the 20° parallel
15on our way South - But I am not to
16be understood as intimating that any of the
17numerous tribes are anxious to
{f}or instruction
18They are not the enquiring spirits we read
19of in other countries they do not desire
20the gospel because they know nothing about
21^ it or its benefits - But there is no
22impediment in the way of civilization
23instruction - Every headman in the
24country would be proud of any European
25visitor or resident in his countryterritory
26for there and there is perfect security
27for life and property all over the
28country - The great barriers which
29have kept Africa shut are the unhealthiness
30of the coast and the exclusive, illiberal
31disposition of the coastborder tribes - They
32latter would be ^ prove but a small obstacles
33in It is to be hoped they
{at} ^ these obstacles will be overcome
34by the more rapid means of locomotion
35possessed by the present age if a good
36highway can be found into
{fro}m the coast
37into the Interior
2
3
4
5 Oatutu Moaroro Bagogo
6 Batutu Baroro
7
8 Balonda The population is
{the}re
9 as located in
10
11{figure}
12
13
14
15
16 all spoke strongly of the difficulties
17of travelling on the North bank on account
18of the excessively broken & rocky nature of
19the country near the river on that side
20and when onePonuane proposed that I should
21carry canoes along that side till we reached
22the spot where the Leeambye comes out
23broad & placid again others declared that
24from the difficulties he himself had experienced
25in forcing the men of his expedition to do this
26that my men would be sure to desert me if
Having found it impracticable to open a carriage path to '
3west it became a question to wh part of ' E coast we should direct
4our steps, The arabs had come from Zanzibar through a peaceful country.
5They assured me that ' powerful chiefs beyond ' Cazembe on '
6N.E viz Oatutu Moarore and Mokiko Mogogo chiefs ` ' tribes
7Batutu Barore and Bagogo would have no objection to my passing
8through their country They described ' country to ' N. E. as inhabited
9by people ^ in small villages like L
{Bal}onda and that no difficulty
10is experienced in travelling amongst them They mentioned
11also that at a distance of ten days beyond Cazembe the path
12winds round ' end ` Lake Tanganyaenka when they strike
13this lake a little to ' N. they find no difficulty in obtng canoes to
14carry them over There are many small streams in ' path
15and three large rivers - this then appeared to me to be ' safest
16but my object ^ now being a path admitting ` either land or water
17carriage this route did not promise so much as that by way of
18the Zambesi or Leeambye The Makololo knew all the
19country eastwards as far as ' Kafue from having lived in former
20times near ' confluence ` that river with ' Zambesi and they all
21advised this path in preference of that by ' way to Zanzibar. The
22only difficulty ^ that they assured me of in ' way I was assured were
{was} the falls of Victoria
23Some recommended my going to Sesheke and crossing over in
24a N. E direction to ' Kafue ^ wh. is only 6 days distant and descending that to ' Zambesi
25Others recommended to go on ' south bank ` ' Zambesi
26until I had got past ' falls then get canoes and proceed
27further down ' river The
{Another} objection to travelling on either
28bank ` ' river was ' prevalence ` ' tsetse wh is so abundant that
29' inhabitants can keep no domestic animals except goats
In pondering over these difficult paths I could not help regretting
31my being alone If I had enjoyed ' company ` my former com-
32panion Mr Oswell one ` us might have taken ' Zambesi and
33' other gone by way ` Zanzibar The latter route was decidedly
34' easiest because all ' inland tribes were friendly by while '
35tribes in ' direction ` ' Zambesi were hostile and I should now
36I attempted to impose such a task upon them
0159
1
2
3
4 and the winds blew strongly from
5 the East
6
7
8
9
10
11The parts of the country about 17° & 18°
12suffer from droughts & become
13dusty - It is but the commencement
14of the re humid region to the North
15and partakes occasionally
16of the character of both the
17wet & dry regions
18
19
20
21
22
23As crowds come to see me
24
25
26
27 They form
0160
1 151
2be obliged to lead a party wh ' Batoka of that country view as hostile
3invaders through an enemy’s country but as ' prospect ` permanent
4water conveyance was good I decided on going down ' Zambesi
5Being near ' ^ end of September the rains were expected daily the clouds were col-
6lecting ^ but it was excessively hot all ' Makololo urged me
7strongly to remain till ' ground should be cooled by ' rains and
8as it was probable that w
{I} should get fever if I commenced my
9journey now I resolved to wait Some idea may be formed
10of ' eatheat in Oct by ' fact that ' thermometer stood in ' shade of my waggon
11at 100° through the day If unprotected ^ from the wind it rose to 110° — at dark it
12showed 89° at 10 oclk 80° then gradually sinks till sunrise when
13it is
{was} 70° That is usually ' period of greatest cold for in this region I have
14seen on many occasions the thermometer fall a few degrees just
15as ' suns rays began to shoot across ' atmosphere The natives
16during ' period of greatest heat keep in their huts wh. are always
17pleasantly cool by day but close and suffocating by night
18Those who are able to afford it sit guzzling beer or boyaloa
19The perspiration produced by copious draughts seem to give enjoyment
20or the evaporation causing a feeling of coolness. The attendants of
21' chief on these occasions keep up a continuous roar of banteringchafing
22railery and laughing ^ & swearing In the moon light nights the dance is
23kept up till past midnight The women stand clapping
24their hands continuously and ' old men sit admiringly and say
25"It is really very fine" I employed much of my time
26in conversation as that is a good mode of conveying instruction
27In the public meetings for worship the people listened very
28attentively and behaved with more decorum than formerly
29 It seems is really a very worthy field for ^ a missionary labours
30Surely ' oft told tale of ' goodness and love of our heavenly Father in
31giving up his own Son to death for us sinners will beget love
32in some of these heathen hearts. Before
1st Oct Before Ben Habib started
34for Loanda he asked ' daughter ` Sebituane in marriage this
35is ' plan ^ these Arabs they adopt for gaining influence in a tribe and they have
0161
1
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6 Manchunyane
7
8
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14 pronounced by the Makololo
15
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20 reference to her will
21
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33
34 in the sun -
0162
1 152
2been known to proceed thus cautiously to form connections and
3gradually gain so much influence as to draw all ' tribe over to
4their religion I never heard any of any persecution although ' Arabs
5with whom I came in contact seemed much attached to their
6religion. This daughter of Sebituane named Manchunyane
7was about 12 yrs of age As I was ' bosom friend of her father I was
8supposed to have a voice in her disposal & objected to her being
9taken away we knew not whither and where we might never see
10her again As her name impties she is
{was} only a little black and besides
11being as fair as any of ' Arabs had quite the Arab features So I have
12no doubt but that Ben Habib will renew his suit more successfuly
13on some other occasion In these cases of marriage ' consent
14of ' young woman is seldom asked A maid servant ` Sekeletu
15said ^ to be good looking was at this time sought in marriage by
165 young men Sekeletu happening to be at my waggon when one
17` these preferred his suit very cooly ordered all 5 to stand in
18a row before ' young woman that she might make her choice
19Two refused to stand apparently because they could not
20brook ' idea ` a repulse although willing enough to take her
21if Sekeletu had acceded to their conditionpetitions without asking her consent
22Three dandified fellows stood forth and she unhesitatingly
23chose ' decided on taking ' best looking It was amusing to
24look at ' mortification exhibited on ' black faces of the
25unsuccessful candidates while ' spectators join in ^ greeted them with a hearty
26laugh at During ' whole ` my stay
27with ' Makololo Sekeletu supplied my wants abundantly
28appointing some cows to yield ^ furnish me, with milk and when he went out
29to hunt sent home orders for slaughter oxen to be given —
30That ' food was not given in a niggardly spirit may be inferred
31from ' fact that when I proposed to depart on ' 20th Oct he
32protested against my going off in such a hot sun "Only
33wait" said he "for ' first shower and then I will let you go" this
34was reasonable for ' thermometer placed upon a deal box
35rose to 138° It stood at 108° in ' shade by day and at 96°
0163
1
2
3
4
5
6Even ' plains between Linyanti and Sesheke had not yet been
7freed from ' waters of the inundation They had risen higher than
8usual and for a long time canoes passed from ' one place to ' other
9a distance of upwards of 120 miles in nearly a straight line we found
10many patches of stagnant water wh. when disturbed by our passing
11through them evolved a strong effluvia of sulphuretted hydrogen In
12At other times these spots show an effloresc of ' nitrate of soda
13They also contain abundance ` lime. Probably from these emanated
14' malaria wh caused ' present sickness - I have often
15remarked this effluvium in sickly spots
16and cannot help believing but that it
17has some connection with fever
18though I am quite aware of Dr MacWilliam’s
19unsuccessful efforts to discover
20sulphuretted hydrogen by the most
21delicate tests in the Niger Expedition
0164
1 153
2at sunset If my experiments were correct ' blood ` a European
3is of a higher temperature than that ` ' African The bulb held
4under my tongue stood at a 100° under that ` ' natives at 98°
5There was much sickness in ' town and no wonder for part of
6' water ` ' flood ' inundation still formed a large pond in '
7centre I had then plenty ` employment for besides attendg
8to ' severer cases I had perpetual calls on my attention The town
9contained at least seven thousand inhabitants and every one
10thought that he might come and at least look at me
In conversing with some ` ' more intelligent in ' evenings the
12conversation having turned from inquiries respecting eclipses of
13' sun and moon to that other world where Jesus reigns they
14let me know that my attempts to enlighten them had not been
15without effect "Many ` ' children said they talk about
16' strange things you bring to their ears but ' old men show some
17little opposition by saying "Do we know what he is talking about?
18Ntlaria and others complain ` treacherous memories and say
19when we hear words about other things we hold them fast but
20when we hear you tell much more wonderful things than
21any we have ^ ever heard before we dont know how it is they run
22away from our hearts" These are ' more intelligent of my
23Makololo friends. On the majority the teaching produces
24no appreciable effect they assent to ' truth with most
25perplexing indifference adding "But we dont know" or "we
26do not understand" My medical intercourse
27with them enabled me to ascertain their moral status better
28than a mere religious teacher mightcould do They do not at-
29tempt to hide ' evil as men often do from their spiritual instructors
30but I have found it difficult to come to a conclusion on '
31matter They sometimes perform actions remarkably good
32and sometimes as strangely ' opposite I have been unable to ascertain
33' motive for ' good or account for ' callousness ` conscience with
34wh. they perpetrate ' bad After long experience I had comeobservation I came
35to ' conclusion ^ that they are just a strange mixture ` good & evil
0165
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0166
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2as men are everywhere else There is no wherenot among them an approach to
3that constant stream of benevolence flowing from ' rich to ' poor
4which we have in England nor yet ' unostentatious attentions
5wh we have among our own poor to each other Yet there are
6frequent instances of genuine kindness and liberality as well as
7actions of an opposite character The rich show kindness to '
8poor in expectation of services and a poor person who has no relatives
9will seldom be supplied with ^ even water even in illness and when dead
10will be dragged out to be devoured by ' hyenas, instead of beg buried
Relatives alone will condescend to touch a dead body
12It would be easy to enumerate instances of inhumanity which
13I have witnessed An interesting looking girl came to my
14waggon one day in a state of nudity and almost a skeleton
15She was a captive from another tribe and had been neglected
16by ' man who claimed her - having supplied her wants I made
17enquiry for him ' man who claimed her and found that he had been
18unsuccessful in raising a crop of corn and had no food to
19give her I volunteered to take her but he said he would
20allow me to feed her and make her fat and then take her away
21I protested against this heartlessness and as he said he could not
22part with his child I was ^ precluded fromunable to attending to her wants In a
23day or two she was lost sight of - She had gone out a little
24way from ' town and too weak to return had been cruelly left to
25perish one day another case ^ I saw a poor boy was seen going to the
26water to drink apparently in a starving condition This case I
27brought before ' chief in council and found that his emaciation
28was ascribed to disease and want combined he was not
29one of ' Makololo but a member ` a subdued tribe I showed
30them that anyone proclaiming to professing to claim a child
31and refusing proper nutriment would be guilty of his death
32Sekeletu decided that ' owner ` this boy shd give up his
33alleged right rather than destroy ' child he was so far gone as
34to be in ' cold stage ` starvation but was soon brought round by
35a little milk given 3 or 4 times a day.
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9 character he had discovered & had faith in
10
11
12
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14
15
16
17
18
19He would He said that he would plant the
20cane largely if he only had the means
21of making the sugar from it
On ' other hand I have seen instances in which
3both men and women have taken up little orphans and carefully
4reared them as their own children. by selection of instances
5of either kind it would not be difficult to make these people appear
6excessively good or excessivelyuncommonly bad. I still possessed some ` ' coffee
7wh. I had brought from Angola and some ` ' sugar whi I had left
8in my waggon so long as ' sugar lasted Sekeletu favoured me
9with his company at meals. he once informed me of a curious test
10of char. . he said my coffee was "pleasant to his heart because I loved
11him - " he ˄had once tasted some coffee given to him by some Griquas wh.
12was not at all "pleasant to his heart because they loved his goods
13but not himself" I possessed ' love and also ' sugar probably the
14Griqua coffee had none but ' sugar soon came to a close. The
15Makololo were well acquainted with ' sugar cane as it is cultivated
16by ' Barotse but never knew that sugar could be got from it When
17I explained ' process by wh. it was produced Sekeletu asked if I
18could not buy him an apparatus for ' purpose ` making sugar
19 I replied I was unable to purchase a mi
{We}ll he instantly rejoined
20Why not take ivory to buy it As I had been living at his expense
21I was glad of ' opportunity to show my gratitude by serving him
22and when he and his principal men understood that I was willing
23to execute a commission theySekeletu gave me an order for a sugar mill
24for all ' different varieties of clothing that theyhe had ever seen
25and especially a mohair coat - a good rifle or
{be}ads brass wire
26&c &c and wound up by saying "and any other beautiful thing
27you may see in your own country" As to ' quantity of ivory
28required to execute ' commission I said I feared that a large
29quantity would be necessary both he and his councillors replied
30"The ivory is all your own, if you leave any in ' country it will
31be your own fault" He was also anxious for horses those 2 I
32had left with him when I went to Loanda were still living
33& had been of great use to him in hunting ' giraffe & eland
34he was now anxious to obtain a breed This I thought might
35be obtained at ' Portuguese settlements. All were very much
Insert these pages after word "scaffolding"
If we take a glance back at the great valley
3the form the rivers have taken imparts the
4idea at once of a Lake slowly drained out
5for they have cut out for themselves
6beds exactly like what we may see in
7the soft mud of shallow pool of rain
8water when that is let off by a furrow
9This idea would probably not strike a person
10on coming first into the country but more
11extensive acquaintance with the river system
12certainly would convey the idea – None of
13the rivers in the valley of the Leeambye
14have slopes down to their beds – Indeed
15many parts are much like the Thames
16at the "Isle of Dogs" only the Leeambye
17has to rise twenty or thirty feet before
18it can overflow its meadows - They rivers
19have each a bed of low water which
20is simply a furrow cut sharply out of
21a bed of calcareous tufa which
22lined the bed of the ancient Lake, and
23another of inundation - When The beds
24of inundation are filled they assume
25the appearance of chains of Lakes
26The rest of the country is generally
27not elevated fifty feet above these
28When the Clyde fills the holms (haughs)
29above Bothwell bridge it has untutored ^
30the appearance and retires again
31into its bed it resembles the
32river we are speaking of only
33h
{th}ere there are no high lands
34sloping down towards the bed of
35inundation - for the greater part
36 Turnover
delighted with ' donkies we had brought from Loanda andas we found
3that they were not affected by ' bite ` ' tsetse and there was a prospect of
4the herd being continued, it was gratifying to see ' experiment of their
5introduction so far successful The donkies came as frisky
6as kids all ' way from Loanda as until we began to descend '
7Leeambye there we came upon so many departing & reentering
8branches ` ' river we were obliged to drag them through so much
9tangled aquatic plants that we nearlyhalf drowned them and were at
10last obliged to leave them somewhat exhausted at Naliele - They
11excited ' unbounded admiration of my men by their knowledge `
12' dif kinds ` plants wh as they remarked "the animals had never
13before seen in their own country" and when ' donkies indulged in
14their music they startled the inhabitants more than they had
15been lions We never rode them nor yet ' horse wh had
16been given by ' Bishop for fear of hurting them by any work.
Although ' Makololo were so confiding the
18reader must not imagine that they would be so to every
19individual who might visit them Much of my influence
20depended upon a good name given me by ' Bakwains and
21that I did not secured only through a long course of tolerably
22good conduct No one ever gains much influence in this
23country without purity and uprightness The acts of a
24stranger are keenly scrutinized by both young and old and
25seldom is ' judgement pronounced even by ' heathen unfair
26or uncharitable I have heard women speaking in admiration
27 a missionary ^ white man because he was pure and never was guilty of any
28secret immorality had he been they would have known it and
29heathen though they be would have despised him in consequence
Secret vice becomes known throughout the tribe and while
31one unacquainted with ' language may imagine a peccadillo
32to be unknown it is as patent to ' tribeall as it would be in London
33had he a placard on his back
2
3
4
5as provisionsa sort of sandwiches for my journey by
6
7of this region of the is not more than
8fifty feet above them – Even the
9rocky banks of tthe Leeambye below
10Gonye and the ridges adjacent bounding
11to the Barotse valley are not
12more than two or three hundred feet
13in altitude - Many of the rivers are
14very tortuous in their course - The
15Chobe and Simah particularly so
16and there are if we may recieve the
17testimony of the natives they form
18what anatomists call anastamosis
19or a net-work of rivers – Thus they
20assured me one
{th}at if they go up the
21Simah for instance in a canoe
22they can enter the Chobe and descend
23that river to the Leeambye or
24they may go up the Kama and
25come down the Simah - And so
26in the case of the Kafue - It is
27repeated to come out of the be connected
28in this way with the Leeambye
29in the North and to part with
30the Kafue Loangwa – and the
31Makololo went from the one
32into the others in canoes – And
33even though the interlacing may not
34be a very quite to the extent as the
35 Turn over
27 oct 1855 The first continuous rain ` ' season commenced during
3' night ' wind being from ' N E as it always was on like occasions
4at Kolobeng The rainy season was thus begun and I made
5ready to go The mother of Sekeletu prepared a bag of earth-
6nuts ^ fried
{ing} ^ them in cream and a little salt wh ^ This is considered food fit
7for a chief Others ground ' maize from my own garden into
8meal and Sekeletu pointed out Sekwebu and Kaanyata as
9' persons who should head ' party intended to form my company
10Sekwebu had been captured by ' Matebele when a little boy
11and ' tribe in wh he was a captive had migrated to ' country
12near Tete he had travelled along both banks ` ' Zambesi several
13times and was intimately acquainted with ' dialects spoken there
14I found him to be a person of great prudence and sound judgement
15and his subsequent loss at Mauritius has been ever since a source
16of sincere regret he at once recommended our keeping well
17away from ' river on account of ' tsetse and rocky country
18assigning also as a reason ' fact that ' Leeambye beyond ' falls
19turns round to ' N. N. E Mamire who has married '
20mother ` Sekeletu on coming to bid me farewell before starting
21said "You are now going among people who cannot be trusted
22because we have used them badly but you go with a different
23message from any they ever heard before and Jesus will be
24with you and help you though among enemies and if he
25carries you safely and brings you and Ma Robert back
26again I shall say he has bestowed a great favour upon me
27May we obtain a path whereby we may visit and be
28visited by other tribes and by white men" On telling
29him my fears that he was still inclined to follow ' old
30marauding system wh prevented intercourse and that he
31from his influential position was especially guilty in ' late
32forays he acknowledged all rather too freely for my taste
33but seemed quite aware that ' old system was far from
34right Mentioning my inability to pay ' men who were to
35accompany me he replied "A man wishes of course to appear
believed by the natives the country is so
2level and the rivers so tortuous
3that I have no hesitation in the conclusion
4that here is a network of waters of
5a very peculiar nature - The reason
6why I am disposed to place a certain
7amount of confidence in their
8reports is this - When Mr Oswell & I
9discovered the Zambesi in the centre
10of the continent in 1851 ^ being unable to ascend it we employed
11the natives to draw a p
12map embodying their ideas his family
13of that river - When I
14returned and was able to inspect
15it myself We sent the native map
16home with the same view that
17I now mention their ideas of the
18river system namely in order
19
20he took cattle for the purpose from every
21station we came to
22
23to be an aid in farther investigation
24When I was able to ascend the Leeambye
25to 14° South and subsequently
26descend it all I th found that the alterations
27I was able to make in the original
28native plan were very trifling -
29The general idea their map gave
30was wonderfully accurate and
31now I give their ideas of
{on} the
32other rivers in the hope that they may
33prove helpful to any traveller who
34may pursue the investigation farther -
among his friends after a long absence with something of his own
3to show, the whole ivory in ' country is yours so you must take
4as much as you can and Sekeletu will furnish men to
5carry it" These remarks of Mamire are quoted literally
6in order to show the state of mind ` ' most influential in the
7tribe and as I wish to give ' reader a fair idea ` ' other side ` ' question
8as well it may be mentioned that Motibe parried ' impu the imputation
9` ' guilt of marauding by every possible subterfuge he would
10not admit that they had done wrong and laid ' guilt ` ' wars
11in wh. ' Makololo had engaged on ' Boers ' Matebele and every
12other tribe except theirhis own When quite a youth Motibe
13
[^] had been attacked by a party ` Boers andhe hid himself in an
14anteaters hole but was drawn out and thrashed with a whip
15of hippopotamus hide: when enjoined to live in peace he
16would reply "teach ' Boers first to lay down their arms ”
17Yet Motibe on other occasions seemed to feel ' difference
18between those who are Christians indeed and those who are so
19only in name In all our discussions we parted good
20friends On ' 3d Nov we bade adieu to our friends
21at Linyanti accompanied by Sekeletu and about 200
22followers we were all fed at his expense ^ The principal
23men of ' tribe Lebeole Ntlarie Nkwatlale &c were
24also of ' party We passed through ' patch ` tsetse by
25night wh exists between Linyanti & Sesheke The
26majority ` ' party went on by daylight in order to prepare
27our beds Sekeletu & I with about 40 young men waited
28till outside ' tsetse till about dark We then
29went forward and about ten oclk it became so
30pitchy dark that both horses and men were completely
31blind The lightning spreadflashed along ' sky forminginto 8 or 10
32branches at a time a in shape exactly like those of
33a tree This with great volumes of sheet lightning
34enabled us at times to see ' whole country The
35intervals between ' flashes were so densely dark as to
0175
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22 three of which were ^ accustomed to riding ox
0176
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2convey ' idea ` stone blindness The horses sl trembled,
3cried out and turned round as if searching for each other and
4every new flash revealed ' men taking different directions
5laughg and stumblg against each other The thunder was of
6that tremendously loud kind only to be heard in tropical countries
7and wh. friends from India have assured me is louder in Africa
8than any they have ever heard elsewhere Then came
9a pelting rain and completed our confusion. After '
10intense heat ` ' day we soon felt miserably cold and
11turned aside to a fire we saw in ' distance This had
12been made by some people on ' march for this path
13is seldom without numbers of strangers passing to
14and from ' capital My clothing having gone on I lay
15down on ' cold ground expecting to spend a miserable
16night but Sekeletu kindly covered me with his own
17blanket and lay uncovered himself I was much affected
18by this little act of genuine kindness. i
{I}f such men must
19perish by ' advance of civilization as certain races of animals
20do before others it is a pity. God grant that ere this time comes
21they may receive that gospel wh. is a solace for ' soul in death
While at Sesheke Sekeletu supplied me with 12 oxen and
23hoes and beads to purchase a canoe when we should strike
24' Leeambye beyond ' falls he likewise presented abundance
25of good fresh butter and honey and did every thing in his power
26to make me comfortable for ' journey We were here joined
27by Moriantsane his uncle and head-man of Sh Sesheke
28and entering canoes on ' 13th some sailed down ' river to '
29confluence of ' Chobe while others drove ' cattle along ' banks
Spending one night at Mparia ' island at ' confluence
31of the Chobe wh is composed ` trap having crystals ` quartz
32in it coated with a pelicle of green copper ore. Attempting
33to proceed down ' river next day we were detained some
34hours by a strong east wind raising waves so large as to
35threaten to swamp ' canoes The river is here very large and
If we look glance back at the great valley the
2form of the rivers leads to the idea at once
3of a Lake drained out slowly - None of them
4have li
{s}lopes down to them - They look
5more like the Thames at the Isle of
6Dogs - Even the Leeambye which has
7to rise twenty feet to flood its banks
8has no slope down to it - They
9have formed beds for themselves in
10a level mass of calcareous tufa
11which lined the bottom of the
12l
{L}ake and when they are in flood
13they become like chains of lakes
14They resemble the Clyde when it spreads
15itself over haughs the meadows above
16Bothwell Bridge - Only there is no
17ajacent high lands sloping
18down to the river for in general
19the country is not more than
20fifty feet above low water mark
21Many of these rivers are very winding
22and according to Native testimony
23there is often con inosculation
24between them -
deep and contains two considerable islands wh. from either
3bank seem to be joined to ' opposite shore while waiting for ' wind
4to moderate ^ my friends related ' traditions of these islands and as
5usual praised ' wisdom of Sebituane in balking baulking ' Batoka
6who formerly enticed wandering tribes upon them ^ & starving them by compelling the
7chiefs to remain by his side till all his cattle and people were
8ferried over having descended about ten miles we came to '
9island of Nampene at ' beging of ' rapids where we were obliged
10to leave ' canoes and proceed along ' banks on foot next
11evening we slept opposit ' island of Chondo and then crossing '
12Lekone early next ' following morning were at ' island of
13Sekote called Kalai This Sekote was ' last ` ' Batoka
14chiefs whom Sebituane rou
{oo}ted out The river island is
15surrounded by a rocky shore and deep channels through
16wh. ' river rushes with great force Sekote feeling secure
17in his island home ventured to ferry over ' Matibele ' enemies of
18Sebituane When they had retired Sebituane made of one
19` those rapid marches wh. he always adopted in every
20enterprize he came down ' Leeambye from Naliele
21sailing by day along ' banks, & during ' night in ' middl of '
22stream to avoid ' hippopotami When he reached Kalai
23Sekote took advantage ` ' larger canoes they employ in ' rapids
24and fled during ' night to ' opposite bank Most ` his people
25were slain or taken captive and ' island has ever since been
26under ' Makololo It is large enough to contain a
27considerable town On ' northern side I found ' kotla of '
28elder Sekote ornamented with numbers of human skulls
29mounted on poles a large heap ` ' skullscrania of hippopotami
30with ' tusks untouched except by time stood on one side
31At a short distance under some trees we saw ' grave of
32Sekote ornamented with 70 large elephants tusks, planted
33around it with ' points turned inwards and there were
3430 more placed over ' resting places of his relatives
35These were all decaying from ' effects of ' sun and weather
0179
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8 These tyrants acted much on the fears of their people
9
10
11 They did not go near enough to examine them but
12viewing them with awe at a distance said in
13reference to the vapour and noise [ ]"Mosi oa tunya"
14smoke does sound (there) – It was previously called
15Shongwe the meaning of which I could not
16ascertain – the word for a "pot" resembles thisapproaches the
17word and it may mean a seething caldron
18but I am not certain of it - along
{Being} persuaded
19that Mr. Oswel & myself were the f
{very} first Europeans
20who ever visited the Zambesi in the centre
21of the country and that this is the key
22connecting link between the known & unknown
23portions of that river I decided to use the same
24liberty as the Makololo did and gave the only
25English name I have affixed to any part of
26the country - No better proof of previous ignorance
27of this river could be
28desired than that a
[This whole scene was extremely beautiful]
29
[as a hieroglyphic they always mean
30"far from home" for one can never get
31over their foreign air in picture or landscape]
32gentleman who had spent a
33great part of his life in
34the study of the Geography of
35Africa and knew everything
36everything written on the subject from the time of Ptolemy downwards
37actually asserted in the Athenaeum that this magnificent river
38the Leeambye had no connection with the Zambesi which
39is only itself in another dialect
0180
1 161
2but a few wh. had enjoyed ' shade were in a pretty good condition
3I felt inclined to take a specimen of ' tusks of ' hippopotami
4as they were ' largest I had ever seen but feared that ' people
5would regard ^ look upon me as a "resurrectionist" if I did, and regard any
6unfavourable event wh might occur as a punishment for
7' sacrilege The Batoka beleive the Sekote had a pot ` medicine
8buried here wh when opened would cause an epidemic in the
9country As this was ' point from wh. we intended to
10strike off to ' N. E. I resolved to
{on} ' following day to visit ' falls
11of Mosio Victoria called by ' natives Mosiatunya or more
12anciently Shungwe Of these we had often heard since
13we came into ' country indeed one of ' questions ofamong ' questions put by
14Sebituane ^ was this one recurred "Have you smoke that sounds
15in your country? Sekeletu intended to accompany
16me but one canoe only having come instead ` ' two he had
17ordered he resigned it to me After 20 minutes sail from
18Kalai we s
{c}ame in sight for ' first time ` ' columns of vapour
19s
{a}ppropriately called "smoke" rising at a distance of 5 or 6
20miles exactly as when large tracts ` grass are burned in Africa
215 columns now arose and bended
{ing} in ' direction ` ' wind
22they seemed placed against a low ridge covered with trees
23and their tops ^ of ' columns at this distance appeared to merge with '
24clouds. They were white below and higher up became dark
25so as to simulate smoke very closely We passed several
26large islands covered with beautiful sylvan foliage with great
27rounded masses wh. seemed to rest in ' bosom ` ' stream and
28above these towered ' graceful palms
29^ The banks and islands ^ which stand dotted over the river are adorned with sylvan veg-
30etation ` great variety of colour and form
31
[at the period of our visit several trees were
32spangled over with blossoms]
There towering over all stands '
33great burly baobab each of whose enormous arms would form
34' trunk ` a large tree beside groups of graceful palms
35with their feathery shaped leaves depicted on ' sky
[lend their beauty
36to the scene]
The
37silvery mahonono ^ which in the tropics is in form like ' cedar of Lebanon stands
38in pleasing contrast with ' dark mot colour ` ' motsouri
39 motsouri
0181
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2
3It had never been seen before by European
4eyes but scenes so lovely must have
5been gazed upon by angels in their
6flight
7
8
9
10
[with] The red soil appearing among the trees, When
11left that by which we had come down &
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21for it seemed to loose itself in ' earth, the opposite ^ the opposite side of
22the f lip of ' fissure ^ into wh. it disappeared being only 80 ft distant
23
24
25
26
27 The entire falls are simply
0182
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2q whose cypress form is dotted over at present with its
3pleasant scarlet fruit some trees resemble ' great spreading
4oak and others assume ' forms of our own elms and chestnuts
5but no Europeanone can imagine ' beauty ` ' scene from any
6thing to be se witnessed in Eng. The only want felt is ` ' absence
7of mountains in ' background The falls are bounded on
83 sides by ridges 300 or 400 ft in height wh. are thickly
9covered with forest about half a mile abovefrom ' falls I ^
10embarked in a light canoe with men well acquainted with '
11rapids who by passing down ' middle ` ' river in ' eddies and still
12places caused by many jutting rocks brought me to an island
13situated in ' middle ` ' river and ^ on ' edge ` ' lip over wh. ' river
14rolls It In coming thus farhither there seemed to bewas a danger of
15being sucked down by ' streams wh. rushed along on each side of
16' island but ' river was now low and we could go ^ sailed where it it
{is}
17totally impossible to comgo when it' river ' water is high up But though
18we had reached ' island and were within a few yards ` ' spot
19a view from wh would solve ' whole difficultyproblem I beleive that no
20one u
{c}ould understand where ' vast body ` water went At
21least I did not until creeping with awe to ' verge I peered
22down into a large rent wh. had been made from bank to
23bank ` ' broad Zambesi and saw that a stream wh at '
24time appeared of a thousand yds broad leaped down a hundred feet
25and became suddenly compressed into a space of 15 to 20 yds
26 It is a crack made in a hard basaltic rock from ' right to
27' left bank ` ' Zambesi and prolonged from ' left bank
28away through 30 or 40 hills miles of hills If one
29imagines ' Thames filled with low tree covered hills immediately
30beyond ' tunnel extendingand as far as Gravesend the bed of black
31basaltic rock instead of London mud and a fissure made
32therein from one end of the tunnel to ' other down End of MS through '
33keystones ` ' arch ^ & prolonged away through ' 30 miles ` hills and ^ ' pathway being 100 ft down from ' bed
34of ' river instead of what it is and ' lips of ' fissure from 80
35to 100 ft apart then fancy ' Thames leaping bodily into the
0183
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5
6
7 Please continue to copy what
8 follows in my hand to the front
9 & back of the pages to the end,
10 Then turn back to my brothers
11 hand over 3 leaves Nov 20th
12
13
14
15
16 condensing it
17
18
19
20
21 a few yards back from the lip there stands
22
23
24
25 The steep walk there
26
27 in its ascent
28
29
30
31
32 at the bottom
33
34 which branches off
0184
1 163
2 20- Nov Sekeletu and his large party having conveyed me thus far
3and furnished me with a party a
{o}f 113 men to carry ' tusks to ' coast
4we bade adieu to ' Makololo and proceeded northwards to the
5Lekone The country around is very beautiful and was once
6well peopled with Batoka who possessed enormous herds ` cattle
7When Sebituane came in former times with his small but
8warlike party of Makololo to this spot a general rising took
9place of ' Batoka through ' whole country in order to "eat
10him up" but his usual success followed him and dispersing
11them the Makololo obtained so many cattle that they could not
12take any note of ' herds ` sheep and goats The tsetse has been
13brought ^ by buffalos into some districts where formerly cattle abounded
14This obliged us to travel by
{the} first few stages by night. We
15could not see w well detect ' nature of ' country in ' dim
16moonlight The path seemed to lead along ' high bank
17of what may have been ' ancient bed of the Zambesi before
18' fissure was made The Lekone now winds in it in an
19opposite direction to what ' low ancient river must have flowed
Both ' Lekone and Unguesi flow backward towards ' centre
21of ' country in an opposite direction to that of ' main stream
22It was plain then that we were ascending ' farther we went
23eastward The level of ' lower portion ` ' Lekone is about
24200 ft above that ` ' level ` ' Zambesi at ^ above ' falls and considerably
25more than ' altitude of Linyanti consequently when ' river
26flowed along this bed instead ` through ' rent ' whole country
27between this and ' ridge beyond Libebe westwards
28Southwards & Eastwards beyond Nchokotsa was one
29large fresh water lake There is abundant evidence
30of ' existence and extent of a vast lake having existed between
31in ' longitudes indicated and extending from 17° to 21° S Lat.
32The whole ` this space is paved with a bed ` tufa more or
33less soft according as it is covered with soil or left
34exposed to ' atmospheric influences Wherever ant-
35eaters make deep holes in this ancient bottom fresh-
36water shells are thrown out identical with those now
If we take the ev
{w}ant of evidence of of much
2wear on athe lip of hard basaltic rock as of any
3value the period of when this ridgerock was
4riven through was not geologically very
5remote - The I regretted the want of proper
6means of measuring and marking
7its width at the falls in order that
8at some future time the question
9whether it it is progressive or not
10might be tested – It seemed as if
11a palm tree could be laid accross it
12from the island - And it is progressive
13as it would mark a great nature
{a}l
14drainage being effected there is ^ it might furnish a a hope
15that Africa will one day become
16a healthy continent – It is at any rate very
17much changed in its
{as it} res in respect to its
18Lakes within a comparatively recent
19period
At three spots near these falls one of them
22the island in the middle ^ on which we are three Batoka
23chiefs Mokwine Sekote &
24offered up prayers and sacrifices to the
25Barimo It is curiou They chose their
26places of prayer inwithin the sound of the
27roar of the cataract and in sight of
28the bright bows in the cloud - They
29must have looked upon the scene with
30awe - Fear may have induced the
31selection for the river itself was
32mysterious – The words of the canoe
33song are "The Leeambye! the nobody knows"
34 "whence it comes & wi
{h}ither it goeses"
35 see back of next page
existing in the lake Ngami and ' Zambesi The Barotse valley
3was another lake of a similar nature and one existed beyond
4Masiko and a fourth near ' Orange river The whole of these
5lakes were let out by means of cracks or fissures made in their
6subtending sides by upheaval ` ' country The fissure made
7at Victoria falls let out ' water ` this great valley and left a
8small patch in what was probably its deepest portion and is
9now called lake Ngami The falls of Gonye furnished an
10outlet to ' lake of ' Barotse valley and so of ' other great lakes of
11remote times The Congo finds its way to ' sea through a
12narrow fissure and so does ' Orange river in ' west while
13other cracks ^ rents made in ' eastern ridge allow as ' Victoria falls
14and those to ' east ` Tanganyenka allow ' central waters to
15drain eastward All ' African lakes hitherto discovered
16are shallow in consequence of being ' main residua of very much
17larger ancient bodies of water There can be no doubt
18that Africa was in former times very much more abundantly
19supplied with water than at present but a ^ natural process of drainage
20has been going on for ages deep fissures are made probably
21by ' elevation ` ' land proofs of wh. are seen all round ' coast
22line Whether this process of dessication is as rapid throughout
23' continent as in a letter to ' late Dean Buckland in 1843
24I showed hadwe been ' cas to have been ' case in Bechuana
25Country it is not for me to say but though there is a slight
26tradition of ' waters having burst through ' low hills south ` '
27Barotse there is none of a sudden upheaval accompanied
28by an earthquake The formation ` ' fissure crack
29of ' Mosioatunya is perhaps too ancient for that yet as
30information of any remarkable event is often transmitted
31in ' native names and they even retain a tradition wh. looks
32like ' story of Solomon & ' harlots there is not a Tom earthquake
33or Sam shake the ground in ' whole country They have a
34tradition wh may refer to ' building ` ' Tower of Babel but it
35ends in ' bold builders getting their crowns cracked by ' fall of
The play of colours or double iris on the
2cloud seen by them ^ elsewhere only as the rain
3-bow may have led them to the idea that
4this was the ad
{b}ode of deity - Some of
5the Makololo who went with me near
6to Gonye looked upon the same sign with
7awe – When seen in the heavens it
8is named "motsé oa barimo" – The pestle of
9the gods – Here they could approach the
10emblem and see it stand steadily
11above the blustering uproar below, a
12type of Him who sits supreme and
13alone immovable ^ unchangeable ^ though rulingamong over all
14changing things – But they did not
15know hiss in this
{his} ^ true character ^ of justice & mercy which we
16are privileged to have of Him in his
17word -
[But not aware of his true character they had no admiration of the
18beautiful & good in their bosoms] Hence they did not imitate
19his goodness for they ^ being were a
20bloddy imperious crew and
21Sebituane performed a noble
22service in their expulsion
23from their island fastnesses
24of these cruel "Lords of the isles"
Having feasted my eyes long on the
27beautiful sight I returned to my friends at
28Kalai and saying to Sekeletu that he
29had nothing else worth shewing in his
30country he
{is} curiosity was excited to
31visit it next day ... I returned with
32the intention of taking a Lunar observation
33from the island itself and
{but} clouds
34were unfavourable - consequently all
35my determinations of position
36 refer to Kalai its
of the scaffolding 24th We remained a day at ' village of
3Moyara here ' valley in wh. ' Lekone flows trends away to the
4Eastward while our course is more to ' N.E. The country is
5rocky and rough the soil being red sand wh. is covered with
6beautiful green trees yielding abundance of fruit The father
7of Moyara was a powerful chief but ' son now sits among the
8ruins of ' town with 4 or 5 wives and very few people At
9his hamlet a number of stakes are planted in ' ground and I
10counted between 54 human skulls hung on their points These were
11Matibele who unable to approach Sebituane on ' island of Loyela
12had returned sick and famishing Moyara’s father
13took advantage ` their reduced condition and after putting
14them to death mounted their heads in ' Batoka fashion
15The old man who perpetrated this deed now lies in ' middle of
16his sons huts with a lot of rotten ivory over his grave One can-
17not help feeling thankful that ' reign ` such wretches is over
18They inhabited ' whole ` this side of ' country and were probably
19' barriers to ' extension of ' Portuguese commerce in this direction
O When looking at these skulls I remarked to Moyara
21that many ` them were those ` mere boys he assented readily
22and pointed them out as such I asked why his father had
23killed boys "To show his fierceness" was ' answer Is it fierceness
24to kill boys? "Yes they had no business here" When I told him
25that this sort of fierceness would ensure his own death if the
26Matebele came again he replied that "When I hear of them
27coming I shall hide ' bones" He was evidently proud of these
28trophies of his father's fierceness and I was assured by other Batoka
29that few strangers ever returned from a visit to this quarter
30If a man wished to curry favour with a Batoka chief
31he f ascertained when a stranger was about to leave and
32waylaid him at a distance from ' town and when he brought
33' head back to ' chief it was mounted as a trophy The
34different chiefs vieing with each other as to wh shd mount
35' greatest number of skulls in his village If as has been
Sekeletu acknowledged to feeling a little
2nervous at the probability of being sucked
3into the gulph before reaching the island
4His companions amused themselves
5by throwing stones down and wondered
6to seem them diminished
{ing} in size and even
7disappear before they reached the
8water at the bottom –
I had another object in view in my return
10to the island – I observed that it was covered with
11trees several of which I had seen nowhere else
12and everywhere now and then the wind wafted
13a little of the condensed vapour over
14it and kept the soil in
15a state of moisture which caused
16a sward of grass growing as green as
17on an English lawn – I selected a spot
18not too near the chasm for there the
19constant deposition of the moisture
20had
{n}ourished numbers of polypi of a
21mushroom shape and fleshy con-
22-sistence but somewhat back and
23made a little garden – I there planted
24about a hundred peach & apricot
25stones and a quantity of coffee seeds
26I had attempted fruit trees before but
27when left in charge of my Makololo
28friends they were always allowed
29to wither after having vegetated by being
30forgotten - I bargained for a hedge
31with one of the Makololo and if
32he is faithful – I have great hopes
33in Mosiatunya’s abilities as a
34nursery man – My only source of
35fear is the hippopotami whose
asserted the Portuguese ever had a chain of trading stations across
3' country it from Caconda to Tete it must have passed through
4these people but ' total ignorance of ' Zambesi's flowing from the N to S.
5in ' centre of ' country and ' want of knowledge of the astonishing falls ^
6of Victoria wh. excite ' wonder of even ' natives together with ' want of any
7tradition of any such chain of stations m
{co}mpells me to beleive that
8this chain of trading stations existed only on paper This conviction
9is strengthened by ' fact that when a late attempt was made to
10claim ' honour of crossing ' continent for ' Portuguese ' only proof
11advanced was ' journey of ' two black traders honoured with
12adorned with ' name of Portuguese If a chain of stations
13had existed a few hundred names of ' same sort might easily
14have been brought forward and such is ' love ` barter among
15all ' central Africans that had there been a market for ivory
[its value would
16have been known even]
that on ' graves of ' chiefs would not have been safe
On leaving When about to leave Moyara on ' 25th he brought
18a root wh. when pounded and sprinkled over ' oxen is believed to disgust
19' tsetse so that it flies off without sucking ' blood he promised
20to show me ' plant if
{r} tree if I would give him an ox but as
21we were travelling and could not afford ' time required for
22experiment so as not to be cheated as I had too often been
23by my medical friends I deferred ' investigation till I returned
24It is probably but an evanescent remedy and capable of rendering
25' cattle safe during one night Moyara is now quite a dependant
26of ' Makololo and my new party not being thoroughly drilled forced
27him to carry a tusk for them dependant When I releived him he poured out
28a shower of thanks at being allowed to go back to sleep beneath his
29skulls Next day we came to Namilanga or ' well
30of joy It is a small well dug beneath a very large fig-tree '
31shade of wh renderes the water delightfully cool The temperature
32through ' day was 104° in ' shade and 94° after sunset but ' air was
33not at all oppressive This well received its name from
34' fact that in former times marauding parties in returning with
35cattle sat down here and were regaled with boyaloa music
36foot-prints I saw on the island
When the garden was prepared I cut my initials
2on a tree and the date 1855 – This was the
3only instance in which I indulged in
4this piece of vanity – The garden stands
5in front and were there no hippopotami
6I have no doubt but this would be
7the parent of all gardens which
8may yet be in this [ ] new country
We then went up to Kalai again
10 Pitsane and Mohorisi again expressed
11their willingness to go away back to
12Loanda if Sekeletu would allow
13th
{g}ive them orders - This is the more
14remarkable as both have plenty of food
15and leisure at home
We here got information of a foray
17which had been made by a Makololo
18man in the direction we were going
19This instance of marauding was so
20much in accordance with the system
21which has been pursued in this country
22that I did not wonder at it - But
23the man had used Sekeletu’s name as
24having sent him and the proof being
25convincing he would undoubtedly be
26fined – As that would be the first
27instance in which a fine was
28levied I looked upon it as a
29beginning of a better state of
30things - In tribes which have
31 Another point may be noticed
32as giving an idea of the state of
33matters here –
34been accustomed to cattle stealing the
35act is not considered immoral
and ' lullilooing ` ' women from ' adjacent towns. All '
3surrounding country was formerly densely peopled but isthough now
4desolate and still The old head-man of this place told us
5that his father once went to Bambala where white traders
6lived when our informant was a little boy ^ an infant a little boy and returned when he had
7become a boy of about ten years - he went again and returned
8about ' time when it was time to knock out his son's teeth
9as that takes place at ' age ` puberty – he must have spent at
10least 5 years in each journey. he added that many who
11went never returned a
{b}ecause they liked that country better
12than this They haave
{d} even forsaken their wives and children
13and children had been so enticed and flattered by ' finery bestowed
14upon them that they had disowned their own parents and adopted
15others The place to wh they had gone was wh. they named
16Bambala was probably Dambarari wh. was situated close to
17Zumbo This was ' first intimation we had of intercourse with
18whites The Barotse and all ' other tribes in ' Central valley
19have no such tradition as this nor have either ' one or ' other
20any account of a visit any trader visit to them in ancient
21times 26th All ' Batoka tribes
22follow ' curious custom of knocking out ' upper front teeth
23at ' age of puberty This is done by both sexes and though
24' under teeth being releived from ' attrition of ' upper grow long
25and somewhat bent out and thereby cause ' under lip to
26protrude in a most unsightly way no young woman thinks
27herself accomplished until she has got rid of ' upper incisors
28This nasty custom gives all ' Batoka an uncouth old-
29man like appearance Their laugh is hideous yet they
30are so attached to it that even Sebituane was unable to
31eradicate it He issued orders that none of ' children
32living under him should be subjected to ' custom by their
33parents and disobedience to his mandates was usually
34punished with severity but notwithstanding this ' children
35would appear in ' streets minus without their incisors
36and no one would confess to the deed.
in the way that theft is – Before I knew the
2language well I said to a chief "you
3stole the cattle of so & so" - "No I did not
4steal them" was the reply "I ol
{n}ly lifted
5them" The word lift
{"gapa"} is identical
6with the highland term for the
7same deed –
Another point came to our notice here - Some
9Mambari had come down here and
10induced the Batoka to sell a very large tusk which
11belonged to Sekeletu for a few bits of cloth
12They had gone among the Batoka who need hoes
13and having purchased some f
{of} these from the
14people near Sesheke induced them peo to sell
15them
{bo}th ivory and children - They would
16not part with them for clothing or beads – but
17agriculture with wooden hoes is so difficult
18thy sight of hoes prevailed – The Makololo pro-
19posed to knock the Mambari on the head
20as the remedy the next time they came but
21on my proposing that they should send
22hoes themselves and thereby secure the
23way for themselves in a quiet way
24all approved highly of the idea &
25Pitsane and Mohorisi expatiated on the
26value of the ivory – their own willingness
27to go & sell it and Loanda – and
28the disgust with which the Mambari
29had lo
{whom} we met in Angola had looked
30upon their attempt to reach the proper
31market - If nothing untoward happens
32I think there is a fair prospect of
33the trade in slaves being abolished in
34a natural way in this quarter
35 Then go back to my brothers
36 writing
XLVIII P.532-562 168
2When questioned respecting ' origen ` this practise the Batoka
3reply that their object is to be like oxen and those who retain
4their teeth they consider to resemble zebras Whether this is '
5true reason or not it is difficult to say but it is noticeable
6that ' veneration for oxen wh prevails in many tribes should
7here be associated with ' hatred to ' zebra, as among ' Bakwains
8^ and that this operation is performed at ' same timeage that ' circumcision
9doesis in other tribes and here that ceremony is unknown
10The custom is so unusual that a person who has his teeth
11is considered ugly and occasionally when the Batoka borrowed
12my looking glass the disparaging remarks would be made
13resping boys ^ or girls who still retained their teeth "look at ' great
14teeth"! Some of ' Makololo give a more facetious
15explanation of ' custom They say that ' wife of a chief having
16in a quarrel bit her husband's hand he in revenge ordered her
17front teeth to be knocked out and all ' men in ' tribe followed
18his example but this does not explain why they afterwards
19knocked out their own The Batoka of ' Zambesi are
20generally very dark in colour and very degraded ^ & negro like in appearance
21while those who live on ' high lands we are now ascending
22are frequently of ' colour of coffee and milk We had a
23large party of ' Batoka of Mokwina
{e} in our party sent by
24Sekeletu to carry his tusks Their greater degradation
25is
{was} probably caused by ' treatment of their chiefs - the barbarians of
26' islands I found them more difficult to manage
27than any of ' rest ` my companions being much less reasonably
{e}
28and unimpressible than ' others My party consisted of '
29head-men afore mentioned Sekwebu and Ken^anyata but
30we were joined ^ at the Falls by another head-man of ' Makololo named
31Monahing in command ` ' Batoka We had also a party
32of Banagjoa under Sis Mosisinyane and last ` all a
33small party of Bashubia and Barotse ^ under Tuba Mokoro who had been fur-
34nished by Sekeletu because of their ability to swim. They
35carried their paddles with them and as ' Makololo suggested
0195
1
2
3 into messes
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19 near the falls
20
21 and moved into its present position
22 by a force acting there -
0196
1 169
2were intended to swim over ' rivers by night and steal canoes if
3' inhabitants refused to lend them. These dif parties assorted
4together and any orders given were through their headman
5and when food was obtained I distribute gave it to their ^ head man and
6they distributed it to their mess. Each party knew their
7own spot in ' encampment and as it was always placed
8so that our backs should be to ' east the direction from
9wh the prevailing winds come no time was lost in fixing
10' sheds of our encampment.
Nov 26. As ' oxen could only move at night in consequence
12of a fear that ' buffalos in this quarter might have introduced
13the tsetse I usually performed ' march by day on foot while
14some of ' men brought on ' oxen by night In coming to '
15villages under Marimba an old man we crossed ' Unguesi
16a rivulet wh. like ' Lekone runs backward andIt falls
17into ' Leeambye a little above ' commencement of ' rapids
18The beds of stratified gneiss wh. form ' flooring of this part ` '
19country dip towards ' centre of ' continent but is often so
20much elevated as to appear nearly on its edge Rocks of
21porphorytic trap are found in various positions on it
22The general strike is towards ' N. E. N. & S. but when first
23seen near to ' basalt of ' falls it was Easterly & westerly and
24' dip towards ' north as if ' eruptive force ` ' basalt had
25placed in
{t} in this
{at} position We passed ' ruinsremains ` a very large
26town wh. from ' only evidence of antiquity ruins in this
27country afford must have been inhabited for a long period
28for ' millstones of gneiss and trap and quartz were worn
29down two and a half inches perpendicularly The ivory
30grave stones do not soon rot away Those of Moyara's
31father who must have died not more than a dozen years ago
32were crumbling into powder and we found this to be generally
33' case all over ' Batoka country. The region around
34is pretty well covered with forest but there is abundance of open
35pasturage and as are we ascending in altitude we
0197
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8 but has a harsh skin
9
10
11 but is mentioned with approbation of the
12end of the work of Bowdich
13
14
15 We obtained baskets of manéko
16a curious fruit with a horny
17rind split into five pieces, these sections
18pieces when chewed are full of a
19fine glutinous matter as s
{and} sweet
20like sugar - The seeds are
21covered with a brownyellow silky
22down & are not eaten - The fruit
23is about the size of a walnut - We
24get also abundance of the Motsouri
25and Mamosho - We saw the Batoka
26eating the beans called Nju which are
27contained in a large square pod &
28
[also] the pulp between the seeds of
29nux vomica andalso ^ the Motsintsela - and
30as other fruits become into use ripe at
31others seasons as the Motsikiri which
32yields oil and is a magnificent
33tree bearing masses of dark green
34evergreen leaves one can readily
35believe their statement - We here saw trees
[allowed to stand in gardens and some]
36even plant them - a practice seen no
[where else -]
0198
1 170
2find ' grass to be short and altogether unlike ' tangled
3herbage ` ' Barotse valley It is remarkable that we now
4meet with ' same trees we saw in descending towards the
5west coast. A kind ` sterculia^ wh. is ' most common
6tree at Loanda and ' baobab are met with here and ' tree
7called moshuka wh. we found near Tala Munga Mungongo
8was now in ^ yielding its fruit ^ resembling small apples
9The people brought it to us in large quantities
10it tastes somewhat like ^ a pears andbut has four ^ large seeds within
11We found prodigious quantities of this fruit as we went along
12The tree attains ' height of 15 or 20 ft. and has leaves as large as ones
13hand hard and glossy the tree itself is never found on ' low-
14lands My men almost lived upon itthe fruit for many days
15The rains had fallen only partially in many parts ' soil was
16quite dry and ' leaves drooped mournfully but ' fruit trees
17are unaffected by a drought except when it happens at ' time
18of their blossoming The Batoka of my party declared that
19no one ever dies of hunger here A species of Lucade
20Leucadendron abounds; when we meet it on a spot on wh.
21no rain has yet fallen we see that ' young ones twist their
22leaves round during ' heat ` ' day so that ^ just ' edge is exposed
23to ' rays of ' sun They have then a half twist on ' petiole
24The acacias in ' same circumstances and also ' mopane
25fold their leaves together and sm by presenting ' smallest
26possible surface to ' sun simulate ' eucalypti of
27Australia 27 Nov Still at Marimba's
28In ' adjacent country palms abound and there are numbers
29of flowers and bulbs just shooting up from ' soil The surface
30is rough and broken into gullies and though ' country is
31parched it has not that appearance so many trees having
32put forth their first green leaves at ' time ' rains ought
33to have come Among thes st rest stands ' mola with
34its dark brownish green colour and spreading o oak like form
35adorns In ' distance there are ranges of low hills on the
36N we have one called Kanjele and to ' E. that of Kao Kaonka
0199
1
2
3
4
5
6
7 of ' black soldier ant
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15for happening once to throw away the water
16from my basin behind a bush
17where I was dressing, it lighted on
18the path by which a regiement had
19passed ^ before I began my toilette and when they returned they
20were totally at a loss to find their
21way home - Though they continued
22searching for it but not returning for
23about half an hour
24 ' latter may be observed seen ^ rushing about in a state ` great perturbation
25
26It was found only by one making a
27long circuit round the
28wetted spot - The scent must
29have indicated at the time ^ the propriety of their but
30^ going in one direction only
0200
1 171
2to wh. we proceed tomorrow We have made a considerable detour
3to ' N. both on account of ' wish to avoid tsetse and to visit people
4Those of Kaonka are ' last we shall meet in friendship with '
5Makololo Walking down to ' forest after telling these poor
6people for ' first time in their lives that ' Son of God had so loved them
7as to come down from heaven to save them I observed many regiments
8 returning from their marauding expeditions These I have often
9observed before in different parts ` ' country and as we had
10even at Kolobeng an opportunity of observing their habits I may
11give a short account of them here. They are black with
12a slight tinge of grey about half an inch in length and on '
13line of march appear 3 or 4 abreast when disturbed they
14utter a distinct hissing ^ or chirping sound They follow a few leaders
15who never carry anything and they seem to be guided by a
16scent left on ' path by ' leaders for If a handful of earth
17is thrown on ' path at ' middle of ' regiment those who
18are behind are completely at a loss as to their farther progress
19Whatever it may be that guides them it s they seem ^ only to know
20that they are not to return for they come up to ' handful
21of earth ^ but will not cross it though not a quarter of an inch high
22and They wheel round regain their path again but
23never think of retreating to ' nest
24^ or to the place where they have been stealing After a quarter of an hour
25confusion and hissing one may make a circuit of a foot
26round ' earth and soon all follow in that round about
27way When seen on their way to attack ' abode ` ' white ants ^
28the leaders may be observed approaching their busy white
29neighbours The black leaders
30^ distinguished from ' first by their greater size especially in ' region of ' sting then seize ' white ants one
31by one inflict a sting wh seems to inject a portion of ^ fluid similar in effect to chloro-
32form and ^ as it renders them insensible but not dead They are only
33able to move one or two legs a As ' leaders toss them on one
34side the rank and file seize them and carry them off
35One morning I saw a party going forth on what has been
36supposed to be a slave hunting expedition they came to a
37stick wh being enclosed in a white ant gallery I knew
38contained abundance of this insect but I was surprised
0201
1
2
3
4 in it, then
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15I imagined then that the insensibility
16had been caused by the soldiers holding
17seizing the white ants too tightly with their
18^ mandibles by the neck as that is the way
19 they seize them but
20
21
22
23elsewhere I have seen a body ` them removing their eggs from a place in wh from
24' rains they were likely to be flooded I calculated their numbers to be
251260 they carried their eggs a certain distance then laid them down
26on ^ when wh others took them and carried them further on every ant in ' colony
27seemed to be employed in this laborious occupation yet there was
28not a white slave ant among them
29
30
31
32 Jet black in colour &
0202
1 172
2to see ' black soldiers passing without touching it I lifted
3up ' stick and broke a portion ` ' gallery then laid it across '
4path in ' middle of ' black regiment The white ants
5^ scampered about with great celerity hiding themselves
6under ' leaves and attracted but little attention from the
7black marauders till one of ' leaders having caught them
8and applying his sting they were laid ^ them in an instant one one
9side in a state of coma The others eagerly seized them
10them and rushed off On first observing these marauding
11insects at Kolobeng I had ' idea that they seized ' white ants
12in order to make them slaves as this has been promulgated in
13imbibed from no less a work than Broughams Paley that
14they seized ' white ants in order to make them slaves but
15having rescued a number of ' captives I placed them aside
16and found that they never recovered from ' state of insensibility
17into wh they had been thrown by ' leaders even the pupae which
18I took from ' soldier ants were
{though} placed in a favourable
19atmo temperature never became developed In addition
20to this if any one examines ' orifice by wh. ' black-ant enters
21his ^ barracksabode he will always find a little heap of ' hard heads and
22legs of ' white ants showing that these black ruffians are a grade
23lower than slave^stealersholders for they ^ being are actually cannibals
24One cold morning I observed a band of another species of
25black ant returning each with a captive there could be no
26doubt of their ^ cannibal propensities for they had already deprived ' white ants
27of their legs I had often noticedobserved ' stupefaction produced
28by the injection of a fluid from ' sting of an insect before, i
{I}t is
29particularly observable in called ' "plasterer"
30or wh in its habitsdauber resembles somewhat
31' Mason bee This
{It} hymenopterous insect
32is about an inch & a quarter in length and
33^ may be observed coming into houses carrying ^ in his forelegs a pellet of soft plaster
34about ' size ` a pea When it has fixed upon a convenient spot
35for its dwelling it forms a cell about ' same length as its
36body plastering ' walls so as to be quite thin and smooth inside
37When this is finished all except a round hole it then brings
0203
1
2
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8 at the former door or
9 place last filled by its parent
10
11
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14
15 The fluid in the
{each} case of
{is} I suppose
0204
1 173
27 or 8 caterpillars or spiders each of wh. is rendered insensible
3but not killed by ' fluid from its sting These it deposits in ' cell
4and then one of its own larvae wh. as it grows finds food quite
5fresh The insects are in a state of coma but ' presence of vitality
6prevents putridity or that drying up wh. would otherwise take place
7in this climate By ' time ' young insect is full grown and its wings
8fully developed the food is done it then opens pierces ' wall of its cell
9flies off and begins ' same ^ life work of plasterer for itself The
10plasterer is a most useful insect as it acts as a check on '
11inordinate increase of caterpillars & spiders it may often be
12seen with a caterpillar or even a cricket much larger than itself
13but they lie perfectly still after ' injection of ' chloroform and '
14plasterer placing a row of legs on each side ` ' body uses both legs and
15wings in trailing ' victim along In ' case of both plasterer and
16ants I suppose ' nature of fluid is designed to cause insensibility and
17likewise act as an antiseptic, the death of ' victims being without
18pain When at Kaonka we s
The Batoka of these parts are very degraded in their appearance
20and are not likely to improve either physically or mentally
21while so much addicted to ' smoking of ' mutokwane or (Canabis-
22sativa) they like its narcotic effects though ' violent fit of
23coughing wh. follows a couple of puffs of ' smoke appears dis-
24tressing and causes a feeling ` disgust in ' spectator This
25pernicious weed is extensively used in all ' tribes ` ' interior
26It causes a species of frenzy and Sebituane's of soldiers on coming
27in sight ` their enemies sat down and smoked it in
28order that they might make an effective onslaught I was
29unable to prevail on Sekeletu and ' young Makololo to
30forego its use although they cannot point to an old man
31in ' tribe who has been addicted to this indulgence I believe
32it was ' proximate cause of Sebituane's last illness for it
33sometimes causes pneumonia Never having tried it I cannot
34describe ' pleasurable effects it is said to produce but theat
35hachshish in use among ' Turks is simply an extract of ' same
36 plant
0205
1
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8
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24One ^ of the fig family measured & found it to be
25forty feet in circumference -
26The heart had been burned out
27and some one had made
28a lodging of it for we saw
29the remains of a bed & fire
0206
1 174
2and that like opium produces different effects on different individuals
3Some view everything as if through ' wide end ` a telescope and others
4in passing over a straw lift up their feet as if about to cross the
5trunk of a tree The Portuguese in Angola have such a
6belief in its deleterious effects that ' use of it by a slave is considered
7as a crime. 28th Nov- The last of Kaonka's villages
8complained of being plundered by ' independent Batoka The
9tribes in front of this are regarded by ' Makololo as in a state of
10rebellion I had promised to speak to ' rebels on ' subject and
11enjoined on Kaonka ' duty ` giving them no offence according
12to Sekeletu's order Kaonka gave us ' tribute of maize corn &
13earthnuts wh. otherwise would have gone to Linyanti this
14had been done at every village we thereby saved them '
15trouble of a journey to ' capital My own The Batoka had brought
16away such loads of provisions from their homes that we were in no
17want ` food After leaving Kaonka we travelled
18over an uninhabited gently undulating most beautiful
19country the It is border territory between those who accept and
20those who reject the sway of ' Makololo The face of '
21country appears as if ^ in long waves running N & S There are
22no rivers though water stands in pools in ' hollows We are
23now come into ' country wh. my people all magnify as
24a perfect paradise Sebituane was driven from it by
25' Matibele it suited him exactly both for cattle
26corn and health The soil is dry and often a reddish
27sand There are few trees but fine large shade
{y} ones stand
28dotted here and there over ' country where towns formerly
29stood The sight of ' open country was with ' increased
30altitude we were attaining was most refreshing to ' spirits
31ga large game abounds we see in ' distance both buffalos
32elands harrtebeest gnus and elephants all very tame
33as no one disturbs them The lions wh. always accompany
34' large animals roared about us but as it was moonlight
35there was no danger
[On standing in the evening on a mass of granite
36here one began to roar at me though it was still light] The temperature was pleasant
0207
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8
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21
22A kind of A flower as white as the
23snowdrop now begins to appear but
24and farther on it spots the whole
25sward with its beautiful pure white
26A fresh crop appears every morning
27and if the day is cloudy they do not
28appearcome out till the afternoon - In an hour
29or sow they droop & die - They are named
30by the natives from their shape "Tlaku ea
31ea
{p}itse" - hoof of zebra - I kept some
32of the somewhat bulbous roots
33til
{of} this pretty flower till I reached
34the Mauritius -
0208
1 175
2as ' rains though not universal had fallen in many places
3It was very cloudy preventing observations The temperature
4at 6 am 70° at midday 90° eveg 84° this is very
5pleasant on ' highlands with but little moisture in ' air
The different rocks to ' westward of Kaonka's gneiss
7mica and talcose schist all dip towards ' west but near
8at Kaonka's large rounded masses of granite ^ wh. seem to
9have been ejected in a soft slate began to appear The
10outer rind inclines to peel off and large crystals project
11on ' exposed surface
In passing through some spots
13when a good shower of rain has fallen the stridulous
14piercing notes of ' sik cicadae are perfectly deafening
15a drab coloured cricket joins their chorus with a sharp
16sound ^ wh. has as little somewhat ^ variation as like ' drone of a Scottish bagpipe I could
17not conceive how sosuch a little ^ a this
{ng} could raise such a sound
18it seemed to make ' ground over it thrill when
19cicadae and crickets and frogs unite their music may
20be heard at ' distance of half a mile A tree attracted
21my attention as new the leaves being like those of the Acacia
22but the ends of the branches onfrom wh they grew resembled closely
23oblong fir cones The corn poppy was abundant and many of
24' trees, flowering bulbs and plants were identical with those in
25Pungo Andongo On ' 30 Nov we crossed the river Kalomo
26wh is about 50 yards broad and is the only stream that never dries
27up on this ridge The current is rapid and its course is
28towards ' South as its it joins ' Zambesi at some distance below
29' falls The Unguesi and Lekone with their feeders flow
30westward this river to the South and all those to wh. we
31are about to come take an easterly direction We were
32thus at ' apex of this ridge and found that as water boiled
33at 202° our altitude above ' level of ' sea was over 4000 ft.
34Here ' granite crops out again in great rounded masses
35wh change ' dip of ' gneiss and mica slate rocks from ' westward
36 to ' eastward
0209
1 176
2In crossing ' western ridge I refe mentioned the clay slate or keel
3formation a section of wh. we have in ' valley of ' Quango the
4strata there lie nearly horizontal but on the ridge ' granite
5seems to have been ' active agent of elevation for ' rocks both
6on its east and west abut against it Both eastern &
7western ridges are known to be comparatively salubrious and
8in this respect as well as in the general aspect of the country
9they resemble the most healthy of healthy climates in the
10interior of South Africa adjacent to the desert. Kolobeng Neither of '
11ridges This ridge has neither fountain nor marsh upon it
12and east of ' Kalomo we look upon treeless undulating plains
13covered with short grass From a point somewhere near to the
14great falls this ridge or oblong mound trends away to the N. E.
15and there treeless ^ elevated plains again appear. Then again ' ridge is
16said to bend away from ' falls to the S. E. and Mr Moffat
17saw from ' country of Mosilikatse the Mashona hills in that
18direction and even Angora goats wh had come from that
19those highlands footnote It is impossible to say how much farther
20to ' N. these subtending ridges may extend stretch AndAs as
21they are known to be favourable to health the Makololo who have
22been nearly all cut off ^ by fevers in ' valley declare that here they never
23had a headache even they may even be recommended as sanatoria
24for those whose enterprize leads them into Africa either for the
25advancement of scientific knowledge or for the purposes of trade or
26benevolence In ' case ` ' eastern ridge we have water
27carriage with only a few obstructions right up to its base
28and if a quick passage cancould be effected during ' healthy part
29of ' year there would be no danger of loss of health during a long
30stay on these highlands afterwards. It becomes an interesting enquiryquestion
31how much farther these high ridges do extend The eastern one
32seems to bend in considerably towards ' great falls
andbut the
33strike of ' rocks indicate, that at points farther to ' N. than
34my enquiries extend it may not be more than 350 or 400
35miles from ' coast. They ^ at least merit enquiry for they afford
The distances from top to top of the
2ridges may be almost 10° of Longitude
3or 600 geographical miles - I cannot
4hear of a hill on either ridge and
5there are scarcely any in the
6encl
{sp}ace enclosed by them - The
7Monakadze is the highest but
8that is not more than a thousand
9feet above the flat valley - On this
10account of this want of hills on the
11parts of the country which by gentle
12undulations leads one insensibly
13up to an altitude of 4000 feet above
14the level of the sea I have adopted
15the agricultural term ridges for they
16partake very much of the character
17of the oblong mounds which we are
18all familiar - And we shall yet
19see that the mountains which are
20met with out-side these ridges are
21only a low fringe of not much
22greater altitude than even the
23bottom of the great central valley
If we leave out of view
25the greater breadth of the central basin
26at other parts and only spoke only
27of the comparatively narrow
28part formed by the bend in
29Westwards of the Eastern ridge
30We might say that the form of this region is
31a broad furrow with a high in
32the middle with an elevated ridge
33about 200 miles broad on either side the land sloping
34thence on both sides to the sea
35 See back of next page
a prospect of to Europeans of situations superior
3^ in point of salubrity to any ofto those on ' coast
4and ^ so on the Western side of the continent for
5it is a fact that many parts in ' interior of Angola wh.
6were formerly thought to be unhealthy on account of their distance
7inland have been found in
{as} inquirypopulation advanced to be ' most healthy
8spots in ' country - Did ' great Niger expedition turn
9back when near such a desirable position for its stricken and
10prostrate members? Insert slips
We met an elephant
12on the Kalmaoalomo wh had no tusks This is as rare a thing in
13Africa as it is to find them with tusks in Ceylon. As soon
14as she saw us she made off it is remarkable to see ' fear of
15man operating even on this huge beast Buffalos abound
16and we see large herds of them feeding in all directions by
17day, when much disturbed by man they retire into the
18densest-parts of the forests and feed by night only We
19secured a fine large bull by crawling close to a herd; when
20shot he fell down and ' others not seeing their enemy gazed
21about wondering where the danger lay When we shewed ourselvesmade our
22appearance the others came back to it & much to ' amusement
23of my companions lifted him up with their horns and half sup-
24porting him bore him away All these wild animals usually
25gore a wounded companion and expile him from ' herd even
26zebras bite and kick an unfortunate ^ or a diseased one, It is
27intended by this instinct that none but the perfect &
28healthy ones should propagate the species
one In this case they
29manifested their usual propensity to gore ' wounded but our
30appearance at that moment caused them to take flight and
31this with ' goring being continued a little gave my men ' impression
32that they were helping away their wounded companion - He was
33shot between ' fourth & fifth rib the ball passing through both lungs
34and through a rib on ' opposite side and then lay beneath ' skin
35but though it was eight ounces in weight yet he ran off
36some distance and was secured only by ' people driving him into
37a pool of water and killing him then with their spears
The herd ran away in ' direction of my men and
39then came bounding past us again We took refuge on a large ant
40 hill
0212
1If I am right in believing the granite to
2be the cause of the elevation on
3this side
{ridge} The direction in which the
4strike of the rocks trends to the
N E - &
5N - N E may indicate when taken
6in connection with the explanation
7may indicate that the two or three lakes
8which exist in that direction are of
9exactly the same nature with Lake
10Ngami and have been decreased
11diminished to their present size by
12the sal
{m}e kind of agency as
13formed the fizzure of the falls of
14Victoria - That part of the
15ridge
16
17
18
19It is named Kala in the language of
20the Bechuanas and when those
21people wish to express their dependance
22upon another they address him as
23"my Rhinoceros" as if they were
24the birds - The satellites of a
25chief go by the same name -
26
27 spotted ticks
28
29
30
31 allows this ^
0213
1 178
2and as they came past usby us at full gallop I had a good opportunity
3of seeing that ' leader of a herd of about 60 was an old cow all
4the others allowed her a full ^ half- length in their front and on her
5withers sat about 20 birds between 20 and 30 buffalo birds
6about 20 buffalo birds (textor Erythrorhynchus) Smith)
7wh act ' part of guardian spirits to this animal. When '
8buffalo is quietly feeding this bird may be seen hopping on '
9ground picking up food or sitting on its back ridding it of
10insects wh with wh their skins are sometimes infested The
11sight ` ' bird being much quickermore acute than that of ' buffalo it is
12soon alarmed by ' approach of any danger and flying up ' buffalos
13instantly raise their heads wh to to discover ' cause wh had led
14to ' sudden flight ` their guardian They sometimes accompany
15' buffalos in their flight on ' wing at other times they sit as above
16described Another African bird namely (buphaga AfricanaAfricana
17attends the Rhinoceros for a similar purpose The latter ^ bird cannot
18be said to depend entirely on ' insects on that animal for its hard
19horny ^ hairless skin is a protection against
20insects and but few are ever all but a few spotted ticks spotted ticks
21found on it but it seems to be attached to ' animal somewht
22as ' domestic dog is to man and while ' buffalo is alarmed by
23' sudden flying of its sentinel the rhinosceros not having keen
24sight but an acute ear is warned by ' cry of ^ its companion ' buphaga Africana
The Rhinosceros feeds by night and its sentinel is frequently
26seenheard in ' morning uttering its well known call and so as it searches
27for its bulky companion One species of this bird observed in
28Angola possesses a bill of a peculiar ^ scoop or stone forceps form - as if intended ^ only to
29tear off insects from ' skin and its claws are as sharp as needles
30enabling it to hang on to an animals ear while it performs a
31useful service within it The sharpness of ' claws enables this
32 bird to hang on to ' nearly insensible cuticle without touching irritating
33' nerves of pain exactly as a burr does to ' human hand but
34in ' case ` ' buphaga Africana and any Erythrorhyncha other
35food is partaken of for we observed flocks of them at roosting on
36' reeds in spots where neither tame nor wild animals were to be
37 found
0214
1
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3
4
5
6
7
8The increa great increase of
9wariness which is seen to
10occur when they bring forth
11their young causes all the
12leaders to be at that time
13females - and there is a
14probability that the separation
15
[of sexes] into separate herds of
{w}hich
16a is annually observed in
17many antelopes arises from
18the simple fact that the
19increased readiness of the
20she antelopes is partaken only
21by the young males - & Their more
22frequent flights causes them
23to leave the old males behind
24I am inclined to believe this
25because though the antelopes
26as the Pallahs &c are frequently
27in separate herds they are
28never seen in the act of
29expelling the males - There
30may be some other reason
31 Turn over
0215
1 179
2The leading animal in a herd is generally ' most wary When
3it is shot the others often seem at a loss what to do and stop in
4a state of bewilderment I have seen them sometimesthen attempt
5to follow each other and appear greatly confused On one
6occasion I happened to shoot ' leader a young cowzebra mare wh in
{at} some
7former time had been bitten on ' hind leg by some carnivorous
8animal and can becoming thereby unusually wary had lin con-
9sequence become a leader If they see any either one `
10their herd or any other animal taking to flight wild animals
11invariably flee The most timid of their own herd thus naturally
12become ' leader it is not any other peculiarity but simply
13this provision wh is given them for ' preservation of the race
2d Dec 1855 We remained near a small hill called Maundo
16where then we began to be invited frequently by ' honey birdguide ^ (cuculus Indicator)
17I enquired if any of my men had ever been led by
this friendly
18little bird to any thing else than what its name implies only
19one of the 113 could say he had been led to an elephant instead
20instead of a hive like myself to a
{with the} black rhinoceros ^ mentioned before I am quite
21convinced that ' majority of people who commit themselves to
22its guidance are led to honey and to it alone -
On ' 3d we crossed ' river Mozuma
24having travelled through a beautifully undulating pastoral
25country The sight ` ' distant low hill ranges of hills wh.
26line ' banks of ' Zambesi on our south with landscapes per-
27mitting ' eye to range over 20 miles at a time with short
28grass under our feet were especially refreshing to those who
29had travelled for months together over ' confined views ` ' flat
30forest and among ' tangled rank herbage of ' great valley
The Mozuma or river of Dila was ' first water course wh
32indicated that we were now on ' slopes towards ' eastern coast
33it contained no flowing water but revealed in its banks
34what gave me great pleasure at ' time pieces of lignite
35indicating ' probability of ' existence of a mineral ' want of wh.
36
[see second par - back of page]
in the case of Elephants - but the
2males & females are never seen
3in one herd - The young males
4remain with their dams only
5untill they are full grown
6and so constantly is the separation
7maintained that any one familiar
8with them on seeing a picture
9with the sexes mixed would
10immediately conclude that
11the artist had made it from
12his imagination & not from
13actual sight
To the south ^ and a little East of this stands the hill
16Taba Cheu or white mountain from
17a mass of white dolomite rock probably dolomite on
18its top - But none of the hills
19are of any great altitude -
20When I heard this mountain
21described I thought the glistening
22see ante substance might be snow
23and they my informants were
24loud in their assertions of its
25exceeding great altitude - but
26I quite forgot that I was
27speaking with men who
28has been accustomed to plains
29and knew nothing of very
30high mountains - I expected to
31have come nearer to it & would have
32ascended it but we were led to go to the
33North East yet I have doubt that the
34native testimony of its being stone
35is true
in ' central country I had always deplored Again and
3again we came to ' ruins of large towns containing ' only hieroglyphs
4of this country namely ^ worn millstones with ' round ball of quartz with
5wh. ' grinding was effected Great numbers of these balls were lying
6about showing that ' depopulation had been ' result of war for had
7they been the people removed in peace they would have taken these
8balls with them Near At ' river of Dila we saw ' spot where
9Sebituane lived and Sekwebu pointed out ' heaps of bones wh.
10' Makololo had been obliged to slaughter after performing some
11march with vast herds of cattle captured from ' Batoka through a
12path patch of ' fatal tsetse When Sebituane saw '
13effects symptoms of ' bite poison he gave orders to his people to
14eat them he still had vast numbers of cattle and when '
15Matébele crossing ' Zambesi opposite this part came to
16attack him he invited ' Batoka to take repossession of the
17cattle he had so many as to be unable to guide them in their
18flight The country was at that time exceedingly rich
19in cattle and ^ besides pasturage it is all well adapted for ' cultivation of
20native produce, b
{B}eing on ' eastern slopes of ' ridge it receives
21more rain than any part of ' westward Sekwebu had
22been instructed to point out to me the advantages of this position
23for a settlement as that wh. all ' Makololo had never ceased
24to regret It needed no eulogy from Sekwebu I admired
25it myself and ' health enjoyment ` good health in fine
26open scenery had an exhilarating effect on my spirits The
27great want was a population The Batoka having all
28taken refuge in ' hills We were now in ' vicinity of those
29whom ' Makololo deem rebels and felt some anxiety as to
30how we should be received On ' 4- we reached their
31first village Remaining at a distance of a quarter of a
32mile we sent two men to inform them who were and that
33our purposes were peaceful The head man came and spoke
34civilly but when nearly dark ' people of another village
35arrived and behaved very differently They began by trying
0218
1 181
2to spear a young man who had gone for water then they
3approached us and one came forward howling at ' top of his
4voice in ' most hideous manner his eyes were shot out
5his lips covered with foam and every muscle of his frame
6quivered he came near to me and having a ^ small battle axe in his
7hand alarmed my men lest he might do violence, but they
8were afraid to disobey my previous orders
9^ & follow their own inclination by knocking him on ' head
10I felt a little alarmed too but would not show fear before
11my own people or strangers and kept a sharp look out on the
12little battle axe. It seemed to me a case of extacy or prophetic
13phrenzy voluntarily produced I felt it would be a sorry
14way to leave ' world by getting my head chopped by a mad
15savage though that perhaps would be preferable to hydrophobia
16or delirium tremens Sekwebu took a spear in his hand
17as if to cut a bit of leather but actually to plunge it into the
18man if he offered violence to any one After my courage had
19been sufficiently tested I beckoned with ' head to ' civil head-man
20to remove him and he did so by drawing him aside This man
21pretended not to know what he was doing I would fain
22have felt his pulse ^ to ascertain whether ' violent trembling were not feigned
23but did
{had} not have much inclination to go
24near ' battle axe again The perspiration however flowing off
25his body showed that it was real excitement There was
26however a flow of perspiration and ' excitement continued
27fully half an hour then gradually ceased This paroxysm
28is ' direct opposite of hypnotism and it is singular that it has
29not been tried in Europe as well as clairvoyance This second
30batch of visitors took no pains to conceal their contempt for our
31small party saying to each other in a tone of triumph "They are
32quite a godsend" literally God has apportioned them to us" "They
33are lost among the tribes" They have wandered in order to be
34destroyed and what can they do without shields among so
35many"? Some of them asked if there were no other parties
36Sekeletu had ordered my men not to take their shields as in ' case
37of my first party We were looked upon as unarmed and an easy
0219
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2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17Where they have been feeding great
18numbers of trees as thick as a
19man's body are seen twisted down
20or broken off in order that
21they may feed on the tender shoots
22at the top - They are said
23sometimes to unite in dwrenching
24down large trees
0220
1 182
2prey We prepared against a night attack by discharging and
3reloading our guns wh were exactly ' same number as on ' former
4occasion as As I allowed my ^ late companions to retain those wh. I purchased
5at Loanda; we were not molested but some of ' enemy tried
6to lead us towards ' Bashukulompo who are considered to be ' fiercest
7race in this quarter As we knew our direction to ' confluence of '
8Kafue and Zambesi we declined their guidance and ' civil
9head-man of ' evening before then came along with us Crowds
10of natives hovered round us in ' forest but he ran forward and
11explained and we were not molested That night we
12slept by a little village under a low range ` hills called
13Chizamena The country here is more woody than on ' highlands
14we had left but ' trees are not in general large great
15numbers of them have been broken off ^ by elephants a foot or two from the
16ground They thus seem pollared from that point This
17animal never seriously lessens ' number of trees Indeed
18I have often been struck by ' very little damage he does in a
19forest his food consists more of bulbs tubers roots and
20branches than anything else. The natives in ' interior
21beleive that he never touches grass and I never saw evidence
22of his having grazed until we came near to Tete and there
23he had fed on grass in seed wh. seed contains so much
24farinaceous matter that ' natives collect it for their own food
This part of ' country abounds in anthills in ' open
26parts they are studded over ' surface exactly as haycocks are
27in harvest or heaps of manure in spring ^ rather disfiguring the landscape In ' woods they
28are as large as round haystacks 40 or 50 ft in diameter at '
29base and at least 20 ft These are more fertile than the
30rest of ' l
{c}oun land and here they are the chief garden
31ground for maize pumpkins and tobacco. When he
32had passed ' outskirting villages who alone consider themselves in
33a state of war with ' Makololo we found ' Batoka or
34Batonga as they here call themselves quite friendly
35Great numbers of them came from all ' surrounding villages
0221
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20 uttering the words Kina\bomba
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33 They were
0222
1 183
2with presents of maize and masuka and expressed great joy at '
3first appearance of a white man and harbinger of peace The
4women clothed themselves better than ' Balonda but the men go in
5puris naturalibus They walk about without ' smallest sense
6of shame I asked an old man if he did not think it would be
7better to adopt a little covering he looked and laughed with
8surprise at my thinking him indecent considering himself above
9such weak superstition I told them that on my return I
10would have my family with me and no one must come
11near us in that state "What shall we put on? we have no
12clothing" It was considered a good joke when I told them that
13if they had nothing else they must put on a bunch of grass
As The farther we advanced we found ' country swarming
15with inhabitants Great numbers came to see ' white-
16man a sight they never seen before They always brought
17presents of maize and masuka Their mode of
18salutation is quite singular They throw themselves on
19their backs on the ground and rolling from side to side
20slap their thighs as expressions of thankfulness and welcome
21^ This method of salutation was to me very disagreeable
22and I never could get reconciled to it I called out "Stop
23Stop I dont want that" andbut they imagining I was disatisfied
24tumbled about more furiously and slapped their thighs with
25moregreater vigorously The men being totally unclothed this performance
26imparted to my mind a painful sense of their extreme
27degradation My own Batoka were much more degraded
28than ' Barotse and more reckless We had to keep a strict
29watch so as not to be involved by their thieving from ' inhabitants
30in whose country & power we undoubtedly were We had also
31to watch the use they made of their tongues for some ^ within hearing ` ' villagers would
32say "I broke all ' pots of that village or I killed a man there"
33within hearing They are eager to recount their soldier deeds when
34 in company in former times with ' Makololo as a conquering army
35They were thus placing us in danger by their remarks
0223
1 184
2I called them together and spoke to them about their folly
3and gave them a pretty plain intimation that I meant to insist
4upon as complete subordination as I had secured in my former journey
5as being necessary to ' safety of ' party It w
{H}appily it was
6never necessary to resort to any other measure for their obedience
7butas they all beleived that I would insist upon enforce it
a
{A} very large portion of this is
{q}uarter is covered with masuka
9trees and ' ground is so strewed with ' pleasant fruit
10that my men keep eating it constantly as we march
11We saw a smaller kind of ' same tree named molongo^do the
12fruit of wh. is about ' size of marbles having a tender skin
13and slight acidity of taste mingled with its sweetness. Another
14tree wh is said to yield good fruit is named Sombo but it was
15not now ripe
6th Dec. We passed ' night near a series of villages
17and as soon asBefore we came to a stand ^ under our tree a man came running to us
18with hands and arms firmly bound with cords behind his back
19entreating me to release him When I had dismounted the
20head man of ' village had come forward I enquired ' prisoners
21offence he stated that ' prisoner had come from ' Bashukuulompo
22as a fugitive and he had given him a wife and garden he
23had also supplied him with seed and when a demand for
24more was made and ' fatherinlaw declined the prisoner
25had threatened to kill him and had been seen ' night before
26skulking about ' village apparantly with ' intention of assassination
27I declined interceding unless ' prisoner would confess to his
28fatherinlaw and promise amendment he at first refused
29to promise to abstain from violence but afterwards agreed
30The fatherinlaw then said that he would take him to ' village
31and release him but ' prisoner cried out bitterly "he will kill
32me there dont leave me white man" I ordered a knife and
33one of ' villagers ^ cut the cords released him on ' spot his arms were
34cut by ' cords and he was quite lame from ' blows he had received
35These villagers supplied us abundantly with groundnuts, maize
0224
1 185
2and corn and all expressed great satisfaction on hearing our
3message as we directed their attention to Jesus as their Saviour whose
4word is Peace on earth and good will to men They called out "We are
5tired of flight give us rest and sleep" They of course did not
6understand ' full import of ' message but it was no wonder tht
7they eagerly seized ' idea of peace Their country has been visited
8by successive scourges during ' last half century and they
9are now a nation scattered and peeled When Sebituane
10came the cattle were innumerable and yet these were the
11remnants only left by a chief called Pingola who came
12from ' N. E. He swept across ' whole country inhabited by
13his cattle loving countrymen, devouring oxen cows & calves
14without ever
{re}taining a single head he seems to have been
15actuated by a simple love of conquest and is an instance
16of what has occurred two or three times in every century in
17this country from time immemorial A man of more
18energy or ambition than his fellows rises up and conquers
19a large territory but as soon as he dies his power is gone
20his reign washaving been one of terror and is not perpetuated - This and '
21want of literature have prevented the establishment of any
22great empire in the interior of Africa Pingola effected
23his conquests by carrying numbers of smiths bellows with him
24The arrow heads were heated before shooting into a town and
25when a wound was inflicted on either man or beast great
26confusion ensued After Pingola came Sebituane and
27after him came the Matebele of Moselekatse and these
28successive inroads have reduced the Batoka to a state in
29wh they naturally rejoice at ' prospect of deliverance & peace
30We spent Sunday the 10th at ' village of Monzae who is considered
31' chief of all ' Batoka we have seen he lives near to ' hill
32Kisekise whence we have a view of at least 40 miles of open
33undulating country covered with short grass and having but
34few trees These open lawns would in any other country as
35well as this be termed pastoral but ' people have now no
0225
1
2
3
4
5
6and there we are told ` ' existence of ^ ' rapid named
7Kansala wh. is said to impede ' navigation of '
8Zambesi The river is reported to be smooth above that as far as Sinamane
9a Batoka chief who is said to be command ' river after it emerges smooth
10again below ' falls Kansala is ' only rapid reported in ' river until
11we came to Kebrabasa 20 ms. above Tete
12
13
14
15
16
17 She would have been comely
18 if her teeth had been spared
0226
1 186
2cattle and only a few goats and fowls They are scattered
3all over ' country in small villages and cultivate large gardens
4They are said to have adopted this wide spread mode of habitation
5in order to give alarm should any enemy appear In former
6times they lived in large towns In ' distance ^ (S. E.) we see ranges of
7dark mountains along ' banks of ' Zambesi and onOn ' north we
8have mountains appearing above ' horizon wh are said to be on
9' banks of ' Kafue The chief Monzae came to us
10on Sunday mor. wrapped in a large cloth and rolled himself
11about in ' dust screaming kin "Kina bomba" as they all do
12The sight of great naked men wallowing on ' ground though
13intended to do me honour was always very painful, it made
14me feel thankful that my lot had been cast in such difft
15circumstances from that of so many of my fellow men. It
16is difficult to restrain them as any attempt One of his
17wives accompanied him ^ she had a little battle axe in
18her hand and seemed ^ helped her husband to scream - she was
19much excited for theyshe had never
20seen a white man before We rather liked Monzae for
21he soon felt at home amongst us and kept up conversation
22during much of ' day One head man of a village after
23another arrived and each of them supplied us liberally with
24maize earthnuts and corn Monze gave us a goat and
25a fowl and appeared highly satisfied with ^ a present of some handkerchiefs
26I had got in my supplies left at the island Being of printed
27cotton they excited great admiration & when I put a gaudy
28coloured one on a shawl about his child he said that he would
29send for all his people to make a dance about it. In
30telling them that my object was to open up a path whereby
31they might avoid ' guilt of selling their children by getting
32merchandise for ivory and asked Monza
{e} with about 150
33of his men if they would like a white man to live amongst
34them and teach them and be one of a chain of stations
35towards ' coast all expressed high satisfaction at ' prospect
36of ' white man's path They would protect both him and
0227
1 The answer does not mean much
2more than what I know by other means
3^ to be the case that a white man of good sense would
4be welcome & safe in all these parts
5and b
{B}y uprightness and laying himself
6out for the good of the people
7he would be known all over the
8country as the benefactor of the race
9None deserve Christian instruction for of it
10they have no idea - But
11had it prolonged into a wand wh extended a full yard from -
12' crown of his head The hair on ' forehead and above ' ears and
13behind is all shaven off so they appear somewhat as if a cap of
14liberty were cocked upon ' top ` ' head After ' weaving is performed
15it is said to be painful as ' scalp is drawn tightly up but
16they become used to it Monze informed us that all his
17people were formerly ornamented in this way but he discouraged
18it I wished him to discourage ' practice of knocking out the
19teeth too but he smiled as if in that case ' fashion would be
20too strong for him as it was for Sebituane
21
22
23
24
25 continuation above
26
27
28
29
30The men of a village came to our encampment and as they followed the
31Bashukulompo mode of dressing ' hair t
{w} had an opportunity ` examg it
32for ' first time. A circle ` ' hair of 'at ' top ` ' head eight inches or more in
33diameter is woven into a cone ^ eight or 10 inches high with an obtuse apex bent in some
34cases a little forward giving it somewhat ' appearance of a dragoon helmet
35Some have only a cone 4 or 5 inches in diameter at ' base: it is said that
36' hair of animals is added but ' sides ` ' cone are woven somethg like basket work: The
37head-man ` this village instead ` having his brought to a point
0228
1 187
2his property I asked this question because it would be of great
3importance to have a station in this healthy region whither agents
4oppressed by sickness might retire and wh. would serve moreover
5as part of a chain of stations towards ' coast The people are
6 humbled now by ' scourgings they have received and seemed to be in a
7favourable state for the reception of the Gospel The gradual
8restoration of their former prosperity in cattle simultaneously
9with instruction would operate favourably upon their minds
10The language is a dialect of ' other negro languages in ' great
11valley and as many of ' Bakota living under ' Makololo
12understand both it and ' Sichuana missionaries could soon
13acquire it through that medium Monza
{e} had never
14been visited by any white man but had seen black native
15traders who he said came for ivory but not for slaves
16he had heard of white men passing far to ' east of him to
17Cazembe referring to
{n}o doubt to Peira Pereira Lacerda and
18others who have visited that chief The streams in
19this part are not perennial I doubt if there isdid not observe one suitable
20for ' purpose of irrigation There is but little wood here
21and there you see large single trees or small clumps of
22evergreens but ' abundance of maize and earthnuts we met
23show that more rain falls than in ' interior Bechuana
24country for there they never attempt to raise maize
25except in damp hollows on ' banks of rivers The pasturage
26is very fine for both cattle and sheep My own men
27who know it ^ the land thoroughly declare that it is all garden ground
28together and that thes more tender plantsgrains wh. require richer
29soil than ' common corn (holeus sorgham) require no care
30here ^ Monza
{e} came on Monday morning and on
31parting presented us with a piece of a buffalo wh. had been
32killed ' day before by lions We crossed ' rivulet Makoae
33wh. runs westward into ' Kafue
[We now went Northwards in order to
34visit Semalembue an influential chief there ] and slept at ' village of
35Monza
{e}'s sister who also passes by ' same name ^ both he
36and his sister are feminine in their appearance but disfigured
0229
1
2
3
4
5
6asked them ^ what are you standing gazing at, dont you
7if they did not know that we
{they} had
{ve} mouths like other
8people?"
0230
1 188
2by ' foolish custom of knocking out ' upper front teeth It is
3not often that jail birds turn out well but ' first person who
4appeared to welcome us at ' village of Monza
{e}'s sister was '
5prisoner we had released in ' way he came with a handsome
6present of corn and meal and after praising our kindness to '
7villagers who had assembled around us ^ he then set off and brought
8large bundles of grass and wood for our comfort and a pot to
9cook our food in
Dec 12th The morning presented ' appearance
11of a continuous rain from ' N. The first time we had seen it
12set in from that quarter in such a southern latitude In
13Kolo the Bechuana country continuous rains are always from
14the N. E. or E. while in Londa and Angola they are from the N.
At Pungo Andongo for instance ' white wash is all removed
16from the north side of ' houses - It cleared up however about
17midday and Monza
{e}'s sister conducted us a mile or two upon
18' road On parting she said that she had sent orders forward
19to a distant village to send food to ' point where we should
20sleep In expressing her joy at ' prospect of living in peace
21she said it would be so pleasant now "to sleep without dreaming
22of any one pursuing them with a spear" In our front we had
23ranges of mountains hills called Chamai covered with trees
24We crossed ' rivulet Nakachinta flowing westwards into ' Kafue
25and then crossed ' ridges of rocks of ' same kind mica slate wh.
26we found so abundant in Golungo Alto The dip however
27of these rocks is not towards ' centre of ' countrycontinent as in Angola for
28ever since we passed ' masses of granite on ' Kolo Kalomo the
29rocks dip away from them or easterly A decided change of
30dip occurs again when we come near ' Zambesi as will be noticed
31further on The hills wh. flank that river now appeared on
32our right as a high dark range while those near to ' Kafue
33appear as a low blue range with open sp openings between
We crossed two never failing rivulets also flowing to ' Kafue
35The country is very fertile but ' vegetation is nowhere rank
0231
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29 The underlying rocks being
30 igneous - which has
31 yielded fertile soil
32 There are
0232
1 189
2The boiling point of water being 204° shows
{ed} that we were not yet
3as low down as Linyanti but we have now left ' Mmasuka trees
4behind us and many others with wh. we had become familiar
5A feature common to ' forests of Angola and Benguela namely
6' presence of orchilla weed and lichens on ' trees with mosses on '
7ground began to appear but we never on any part of ' eastern
8slope saw ' abundant crops of Ferns wh. are met everywhere in
9Angola The orchilla weed and mosses too were in but small
10quantities As we passed along ' people continued to supply
11us with food in great abundance They had by some means or
12other got a knowledge that I carried medicine and somewhat to
13' disgust of my men who wished to keep it all to themselves
14brought their sick children for cure Some of them I found had
15hooping cough wh is one of ' ^ few epidemics that range through this country
In passing through ' woods I for ' first time heard ' bird called
17Mokwa reza or "Son in law of God" utter its cry wh. is sup-
18posed by ' natives to be "pula pula" (rain rain) It is said
19to utter its cry only before heavy falls of rain (It is probably
20' (Micropogon sulphuratus?) It may be a cuckoo for
21it is said to throw out ' eggs of ' white backed Senegal crow
22and lay its own instead This with ' cry for rain causes thes
23bird to be regarded with favour The crow on other hand has
24a bad repute and when the rain is withheld its nest is sought
25for and destroyed in order to dissolve ' charm by wh. he is
26supposed to seal up ' windows of heaven The Mokwa reza
27is s All ' other ˄ now birds ˄ now join in full chorus in ' mornings
28and two of them at least have fine loud notes
13th The country is becoming very beautiful furrowed
30by deep vallies ^ and ^ with great abundance of ^ large game The buffalos
31select open spots and often eminences as standing places through
32' day We crossed ' Mbai, violent showers occur frequently
33on ' hills and cause such sudden sweeping floods in these
34rivulets that 5 of our men who had gone to ' other side for firewood
35were obliged to swim back The temperature of ' air is
0233
1 190
2lowered considerably by ' every day rains Several times the
3thermometer at sunrise has been as low as 68° and 74° at sunset
4Generally however it stood at from 72° to 74° at sunrise and 90° to
596° at m. and 80° to 84° at sunset The sensation however
6as before remarked was not disagreeable
14th We entered a
8most beautiful valley abounding in large game - finding
9a buffalo lying down I went to secure him for our food
10Three balls did not kill him, and as he turned round as if for a
11charge we ran for ' shelter of some rocks and whenbefore we gained
12them we found that 3 elephants probably attracted by ' noise
13had cut off our retreat on that side They however turned
14short off and allowed us to gain ' rocks We then saw
15that ' buffalo was moving off quite briskly and in order not
16to be entirely balked I fired tried a long shot at ' last of the
17elephants and to ' great joy ` my people broke its his foreleg
18My m The young men soon brought him to a stand and one
19shot in ' brain despatched him I was right glad to see ' joy
20manifested at such and abundant supply of meat
Wh On ' following day while my men were cutting up
22' elephant great numbers of ' villagers came to enjoy ' feast
23We were on ' side of a green valley studded here and there
24with trees and cut by numerous rivulets I had retired
25from ' noise to take an observation among some rocks when I
26observedbeheld an elephant and her calf at ' end ` ' valley about
272 miles distant her calf was rolling in ' mud and she was
28standing fanning herself with her great ears As I was examining
29this sight with a glass I saw a long string of my own men
30appear on ' other side of ' elephant and Sekwebu came
31and told me that these had gone off saying "Our father will
32see to day what sort of man he has got" I then went
33higher up ' side of ' valley in order to have a good view of
34their mode of hunting The goodly beast totally unconscious
35of ' approach of an enemy stood for some time suckling her young
0234
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13 They call out to attract the animals
14 attention
15 "O chief - Chief! we have come to kill you
16 "O chief - Chief! it st
{m}any ^ more will fall die besides you &c "
17 The gods have said it &c &c
0235
1 191
2wh seemed about two years old Then went into a pit containg
3mud and smeared themselves al over with it The little one
4frisking about his dam flapping his ears and tossing his trunk
5incessantly in elephantine fashion She kept flapping
6her ears and wagging her tail as if in ' height of enjoyment
Then began ' piping of her enemies wh was performed by
8blowing into a tube or ' hands closed together as boys do into
9a key both animals expanded their ears and listened
10then left their bath as ' crowd rushed towards them - The
11little one ran forward towards ' end ` ' valley but seeing '
12men there returned to his dam She placed herself on the
13danger side of her calf and passed her proboscis over it again
14and again as if to assure it of safety She frequently looked
15back to ' men who kept up an incessant shouting, singing
16& piping ˄ Then looked at her young one and ran after it - sometimes
17sideways as if her feelings were divided between anxiety to protect
18her offspring and desire to revenge ' temerity of her persecutors
19The men kept about 100 yds in her rear and some that distance
20from her flanks and continued thus until she was obliged to cross
21a rivulet The time spent in descending & getting up ' opposite bank
22allowed of their coming up to ' edge and discharging their spears at
23about 20 yds distance After ' first discharge ` spears she
24appeared with her sides red with blood and beginning to flee for
25her own life seemed to think no more of her young I had previously
26sent off Sekwebu with orders to spare ' calf it ran very fast
27but neither young nor old ever enter into a gallop their quickest
28pace is only a sharp walk Before Sekwebu could reach
29them ' calf had taken refuge in water and was killed. The
30pace of ' dam gradually became slower - she turned ^ with a shriek of rage and made
31a furious charge back among ' men They vanished sideways &
32as she ran straight on went through ' whole party but came near
33no one except one who wore a piece of cloth on his shoulders
34bright clothing is always dangerous in these cases - She charged
353 or 4 times and e except in ' first instance never went
659-670?
3
4
5
6 Please be kind enough
7 as copy this at your
8 convenience
of importing at its own cost certain
10
11
12 the minerals exported by the
{company}the ^
13
14
15
16
17
18 But if the Portuguese really wish to
19develop the resources of the rich
20country beyond their possessions
21They ought to invite the cooperation
22of other nations on equal terms
23with themselves - Let the only pathway
24into the Interior be free to all
25nations and instead of wretched forts
26of with scarcely an acre of land
27around them which they can
28call their own let real colonies
29be made - If instead of military
30establishments we had civil ones
31and saw emigrants going out with
32their wives - ploughs & seeds - instead
33of military conflicts with bugles
34& kettle-drums - we might hope
35for a return of prosperity to Eastern Africa
Another effort has also been made to promoteattract
3commercial enterprise in
{to} this region by gi offering ^ permission
4 any mining company willing to search for ' ores and work
5em to do so - Such a company however would gain but little in
6 way of protection from ' Govt of Mozambique for it can itself
7t barely maintain a hold on its own small possessions and
8[ ] is
{and the} conditions usually affixed of transportingimporting at ' cost ofits own
9ing such company a number of Portuguese from ' island
10Madeira or ' Azores by way of increasing the Portuguese population
11in Africa is impolitic Bbesides Taxes wh. would ^ also be levied on '
12minerals exported It It is noticeable that all ' companies that have been
13proposed ^ in Portugal have it
{this} put prominently in ' preamble "and for
14the abolition of the ^ inhuman slave trade" This either shows
15that ' statesmen in Portugal are enlightened and philanthropic
16or it may be meant as a trap for English capitalphilanthropists
17I incline to beleive the former But if ' Portuguese Govt
18really wishes to develop ' resources of this rich country they ought toany
19will invite cooperation with others in allow others to take
{ing} advantage
20^ on equal terms ` ' prospects opened up in
21regions beyond their possessions it would gain the end ^ would be best attained by
22making ' only navigable pathway free to all nations and
23make their colonies civil not military in their character
24If emigrants are sent let them comego with their wives bring
25ploughs & seeds instead of ^ with bugles and kettle drums
The village of Sena
{enna} stands
28on ' right bank of ' Zambesi There are many reedy
29islands in front of it and there is much bush in ' country
30adjacent The soil is fertile but ' village being in a
31state of ruin and having several pools of stagnant water is
32very unhealthy The bottom rock is ' akose of Brongniart
33or granitic grit and several conical hills of trap
34have burst through it One standing about half a
35mile west of ' village is called Baramuana which
36 Baramuanaa
0239
1
2
3
4who in one attack upon Senna killed 150 of ' inhabitants
5
6
7 Morumbala
8
9 which can be distinctly seen when
10 the sun is in the West
11
12
13
14
15
16 many of which t are conical and
17
18
19 before joining the Zambesi
20
21
22
23
24
25 Nyamónga - Gorongózo
26
27
28
29
30
31 Maníca
32 Sofála
has another behind it hence ' name wh means "carry a child
3on the back" It is 300 or 400 ft high and on ' top lie
42 dismounted cannon wh. were used to frighten away the
5Landeens The prospect from Baramuana is very fine
6below us on ' eastward lies ' Zambesi with ' village of Senna
7and beyond ^ some about 20 ^ or 30 miles beyond stands ' lofty mountain
8Morumbala probably 3000 or 4000 ft high It is of an
9oblong shape and evidently igneous in
{from} its characterphysiognomy o
{O}n '
10northern end then is a hot sulphurous fountain wh. my
11Portuguese friends refused to allow me to visit because it is
12well peopled having
{They} ^ have plenty of garden ground and running
13water on its summit and ' inhabitants are at present
14not friendly with ' Portuguese My friends at Senna de-
15clined ' responsibility of taking me into danger. To '
16N. of Morumbala we have a fine view of ' mountains
17of ' Maganja ^ wh. here ^ they come close to ' river and terminate
18in Morumbala Many of these are conical & the
19Shire is reported to flow amongst them and to come
20between on ' Sen^na side of Morumbala ^ All around to
21' S. E the country is flat and covered with forest but
22near to Senna a number of little abrupt conical hills
23diversify ' scenery To ' W. & N. the country
24is also flat forest wh. hasgives it a sombre appearance but
25just on ' horizon and in ' haze on ' S. W. & by S. there
26rises a mountain range equal in height to Morumbala
27and called Nyamonga In a clear day another
28range beyond this may be seen wh. is Gorongozo once
29a station of the Jesuists. Gorongozo is famed for its clear
30cold waters and healthiness & there are some inscriptions
31engraved on large square slabs on ' top of Gorongozo
32wh have probably been ' work of ' padres Fathers - As this lies in
33' direction of a part of opposite S between Manica and
34Sofála wh has been conjectured to be ' Ophir of King Solomon
35' idea that first sprang up in my mind was that these
0241
1
2
3
4 Maníca
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15 Manwa
16
17
18
19 Two rivers - the
20 Motiríkwe & Sabía or Sabe
21
22
23 Isidore
0242
1 196
2monuments might be more ancient than ' Portuguese but
3on questioning some persons who had seen them I found that
4they were in Roman characters and did not deserve a journey
5of 6 days to see them Manica lies 3 days
6N.W. of Gorongozao and is ' best gold country known in
7eastern Africa The only evidence ' Portuguese have of its
8being ' ancient Ophir is that at Sofala wh. its nearest port
9pieces of wrought gold have been dug up near ' fort and in the
10gardens They also report ' existence of hewn stones in
11the neighbourhood but these cannot have been abundant
12for all ' stones of ' fort of Sofala are said to have been brought
13from Portugal They also assert Natives whom I
14have met in ' country of Sekelétu from ' country of Manica
15or Manuanwa ^ as they call it state that there are several
16caves in ' country and walls of hewn stone wh. they beleive
17to have been made by their ancestors and they ar there
18is according to ' Portuguese a small tribe of Arabs there
19who have become completely like ' other natives The
202 rivers Motirikwe and Sabe run through their country
21into ' sea The Portuguese were driven out of ' country
22by ' Landeens but ^ now talk of reoccupying Manica
The most pleasant sight I saw at Senna were
{as} the
24negroes of Senhor Isidore building boats after ' European
25model without any one to superintend their operations
26They were instructed by a European master but now go
27into ' forest and cut down ' Motondo ^ trees - lay down ' keel
28and fit in ' ribs and make very neat boats and launches
29valued at from £20 to £100 Senhor Isidore had some of
30instructed ^ also in carpentry at Rio Janeiro and they constructed
31for him ' handsomest house in Kilimane the wood work
32being all of country trees some of wh. are capable of a fine
33polish and are very durable - A medical My opinion
34having been asked by ' Commandant respecting a better
35site for ' village wh lying on ' low bank of ' Zambesi is
0243
1
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3
4
5 the people of Senna
6
7 Mitilone
8
9in the way of doing more good to
10themselves and the country
11than they can do in their present
12situation - Had the Portuguese
13possessed this country as a
14colony this important point
15would not have been
16left unoccupied as it is
17There is not even a
18native village placed at
19the entrance of this splendid
20river to shew the way in.
21
22
23
24
25
26
27 Rebeiro
0244
1 197
2very unhealthy I recommended him to imitate ' Jesuists who
3had chosen ' high healthy mountain of Gorunongozo, and fixed
4fix on a new site on Morumbala which is perfectly healthy
5well watered and has ' Shire deep enough for ' purpose of
6navigation at its base but they are not at present on
7friendly terms with ' inhabitants there As a
{the} next
8resource I recommended removal of ' harbour of
9Mitilone wh is at one of ' mouths of ' Zambesi and a
10much better port than Kilimane and where if they must
11brave the fever they would be On ' 9th May 16 of my
12men were employed to carry govt goods up to T in
13canoes up to Tete They were much pleased with
14beingto employed inget this work. On ' eleventh the
15whole of ' inhabitants of Senna with ' Commandant ac-
16companied us to ' boats A venerable old man son
17of a judge said they were in much sorrow on account
18of ' miserable state of decay to wh. they had sunk
19and on account of ' insolent conduct of ' people of
20Kisaka ^ now in ' village We were abundantly supplied
21with provisions by ' Commandant and Senhor Ferrão
22and sailed ^ pleasantly down broad river About thirty miles
23below Sena we passed ' mouth of ' river Zangue on
24our right wh farther up goes by ' name of Pungue
25and close to ' end of a low range into wh. Morumbala
26merges about 5 miles farth ^ on our left we crossed ' mouth of ' Shire wh.
27seemed to be ^ about 200 yds broad A little inland ^ from this there is
28another rebel stockade wh. was attacked by Ensign
29Ri
{e}beiro andwith 3 European soldiers & captured They
30disarmed ' rebels and threw ' guns into ' water This
31ensign and Miranda volunteered to disperse ' people of
32Kisaka who were riding roughshod over ' inhabitants of
33Senna but ' offer was declined. The few real
34Portuguese fearing ' disloyal half casts
{es} among whom they dwell
35Slavery and immorality have here done their work
0245
1
2
3
4 I did not observe
5
6
7
8
9
10 Shíre
11
12
13 "Njéfu"
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22 Mútu or ^
23 Mazáro
24 Baróro
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33 Changaméra Changa mera
0246
1 198
2nowhere else does ' European name stand at not a veryso
3low ^ an ebb but what else can be expected Few Portuguese
4women are ever taken to their colonies and here we havethey were
5^ not that honourable regard for their offspring wh we mentionednoticed
6in Angola A person The son of a late Governor
7was of Tete was pointed out to me in ' condition and
8habit of a slave There is no priest at Senna - nor
9school though there are ruins of both churches and
10convents On passing ' Shíre we observed
11great quantities of ' plant afore ^ Alfacinya already mentioned; mentioned it was
12mixed floating down into ' Zambesi It was mixed
13with quantities of another aquatic plant wh. ' Barotse
14named Njefu wh contains in ' petiole of ' leaf a pleasant
15tasted nut This was so esteemed by Sebituáne that he made
16it part of his tribute from ' subjected tribes The discharge
17of these plants in such abundance from ' Shíre may show
18that it flows from large collections of still water
A few miles beyond ' Shíre we left ' hills
20entirely and entered on ^ sailed between extensive flats The banks
21seen in ' distance are covered with trees We slept on
22a large ^ inhabited island and then came to ' entrance of ' river
23Mútue wh passes by ' name The point of departure is called ^ Mazaro wh. means "Mouth
24of the Mútue" The people who live on ' N. are called
25Barróro and their country is named Boróro The whole
26of ' right bank is in subjection to ' Landeens who it
27was imagined would levy a tribute upon us for this
28they are accustomed to do to passengers. I regret that
29we did not meet them for though they are named
30Caffres I am not sure whether they are of ' Zulu family
31or ' Mashona I should have liked to have formed
32their acquaintance and ^ learned what they really think of white
33men I understood from Sekwébu and from one of
34Changaméra’s people who lives at Ly Linyánti and who
35was present at ' attack on Senna that they consider the
0247
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18{figure} Insert here the matter marked at
19pages 312-315 & 316, in the pamphlet
20
21 of Captain Parker
0248
1 199
2whites as a conquered tribe. The Zambesi at Mazáro
3is a magnificent river at leastmore half a mile wide and
4without islands The opposite bank is covered with forests
5of fine timber but ' delta wh. begins here is only an immense
6flat covered with high coarse grass and reeds with here
7and there a few mango and cocoa nut trees This was '
8point to wh. ^ was reached by the late lamented Capt Parker who fell at '
9Sulina mouth of ' Danube tr I had a strong desire to
10follow the Zambesi further and see ascertain where this
11enormous body of water found its way into ' sea but
12on hearing from ' Portuguese that he had ascended to this
13point and had been highly pleased with ' capabilities of
14' river I felt sure that his valuable opinion must be in
15possession of the Admiralty. On my arrival in Eng.
16I applied to Capt Washington the Secy at
{of} ' Admiralty and
17he promptly furnished ' document for publication by '
18Royal Geographical Society. The river between
19Mazáro and ' sea must therefore be judged of from
20' testimony of one more competent to decide on its merits
21than a mere landsman like myself. {figure} his
{The} conclusions ^
22are strengthened by those of Lieut. A H. Hoskins who was on '
23coast at ' same time with Capt Parker and also visited
24this spot. It ought Let it ^ to be remembered that ' testimony of
25these gentlemen is all ' more valuable because they visited
26the river when the water was at its lowest and ' surface
27of ' Zambesi was not as it was now on a level with and
28flowing into ' Mútue but 3016 ft. beneath its bed The
29Mutue at ' point of departure was only 410 or 512 yds broad
30shallow and filled with aquatic plants The trees
31and reeds along ' bank over hang it so much that though
32we had brought canoes and at a boat from SenaTete we
33were unable to enter ' Mutue in them and left them at
34Mazáro During most part of ' year this part
35of ' Mútue is dry It and we were even now obliged
0249
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12 Pangázi
13
14
15
16
17
18Foot note - I owe the following
19information of a much later date
20to the politeness of Captain Washington
21The H. M. sloop Grecian visited
22the coast in 1852-3 and the master
23remarks that the ^ entrance to the Luabo is in Lat 18° 57 S -
24Long - 36° 12' E. and may be known
25by a range of Hummocks on its Eastern
26side & very low land to the S W - The
27entrance is narrow and as with
28all the rivers on this coast is
29fronted by a Bar which renders
30the navigation, particularly for
31boats, very dangerous with the
32wind to the E - South of East or
33West - Our boats proceeded 20
34miles up this river - Turn over
0250
1 194
2to carry all our luggage on land for about 15 miles As
3Kilimane is called in all ' Portuguese documents the capital
4of ' rivers of Senna it seemed strange to me that ' capital
5should be built at a point where there was no direct water
6conveyance with ' magnificent river whose name it bore
7and on inquiry I was informed that ' whole of ' Mutue was large
8in days of yore and admitted of ' free passage ^ from Kilimane of great
9launches all ' year round but that now this part of the
10Mutue had been filled up At Mazaro I was seized
11by a severe Tertian fever at Mazáro but went along '
12^ right bank of ' Mutue to ' N. N. E ^ & E. for about 15 miles. We then
13found that it was made navigable by a river called ' Pangáze
14wh. we found coming into it from ' N. Another river
15coming from ' same direction called ' Luáre swells
16it still more and last of all ' Likuáre with ' tide
17make up ' river of Kilimáne The Mútue at
18Mazáro is simply a connecting link such as is so often
19seen in Africa and neither its flow nor stoppage affects
20' river of Kilimane The waters of ' Pangz
{á}ze were quite
21clear compared with those of ' Zambesi My fever
22became excessively severe in consequence of travelling in ' hot
23sun and ' long grass blocking up ' narrow path so as quite
24to exclude ' air The pulse beat with amazing force
25& felt as if thumping against ' crown of ' head - The stomach
26and spleen swelled enormously giving me for ' first time
27an appearance wh. I had been disposed to laugh at among
28' Portuguese At S Interra we met Senhor
29Azevído a man who is well known by all who ever
30visited Kilimane and who was presented with a gold
31chronometer watch by the Admiralty for his attentions to
32Eng officers he immediately tendered his large ^ sailing launch
33wh. had a house in it the stern This was greatly in my
34favour for it anchored in ' middle of ' stream and gave
35me some rest from ' mosquitoes wh. in ' whole ` ' delta
36 are something frightful
0251
12 fathoms on the boa
{Bar} then 2½ - 4 - 6 - 7 fathoms
2It was navigable further up but
3they did not proceed - It is quite possible
4for a moderate sized vessel to cross
5the Bar at spring tides and be perfectly
6landlocked & hidden amongst^ the trees
The Maiúdo, in 18° 52' S & 36° 12' E
8is not mentioned in Horsburgh nor
9laid down in the Admiralty chart
10But is nevertheless one
11of some importance and H M.B.
12appears to be one of
13the principal stations for
14shipping slaves as the boats
15found two Barracoons about
1620 miles up having every
17indication of having been
18very recently occupied, and
19which had good presumptive
20evidence that the "Cauraigo" a
21brig under American colours
22had embarked a cargo from
23thence, but a short time before
24This river is fronted by a position
25of the Elephant Shoals at the
26distance of 3 or 4 miles outside
27The Eastern bank is formed by
28level sea cliffs, (as seem from the
29ship it has that appearance) high
30for this part of the coast and
31conspicuous - The Western
32side is composed of thick trees
33& terminates in dead wood, from
34which we called it "Dead-wood point"
35 Turn over
P. 659-677 Riegs 1 200
Another effort has been made to attract
3commercial enterprise into this region by offering
4permission to any mining company, willing to
5search for the ores and work them, to do so.
6Such a company, however, would gain but little
7in the way of protection from the government of
8Mozambique, for it can itself but barely
9maintain a hold on its own small possessions,
10and the conditions affixed of importing at its
11
[The company's ^] own cost a certain number of Portuguese from
12the island of Madeira or the Azores by way
13of increasing the Portuguese populations in Africa
14is impolitic. Taxes would also be levied on the
15minerals exported by the company. It is
16noticeable that all the companies that have been
17proposed in Portugal have this put prominently
18in the preamble "And for the abolition of the
19inhuman slave trade." This shows, either
20that the statesmen in Portugal are enlightened
21and philanthropic, or it may be meant as a
22trap for English capitalists, I incline to
23believe the former. But if the Portuguese
24really wish to develop the resources of the
25rich country beyond their possessions, they
26ought to invite the cooperation of other
27nations on equal terms with themselves. Let
28the pathway into the interior be free to all;
29and instead of wretched forts with scarcely
30an acre of land around them which they
31can call their own, let real colonies be
32made. If instead of military establishments
33we had civil ones, and saw emigrants going
34out with their wives, ploughs, and seeds, rather
35than military convicts with bugles and
0253
1 2 201
2kettle drums, we might hope for a return of
3prosperity to Eastern Africa.
The village of Senna stands on the right
5bank of the Zambesi. There are many reedy
6islands in front of it, and there is much bush
7in the country adjacent. The soil is fertile,
8but the village, being in a state of ruin, and
9having several pools of stagnant water, is
10very unhealthy. The bottom rock is the akose
11of Brogniart, or granitic grit, and several
12conical hills of trap have burst through it.
13One standing about half a mile west of the
14village is called Baramuauna, which has
15another behind it, hence the name, which means
16"carry a child on the back". It is 300 or 400
17feet high, and on the top lie two dismounted
18cannon which were used to frighten away
19the Landeens, who in one attack upon Senna
20killed 150 of the inhabitants. The prospect from
21Baramuau^na is very fine, Below on the
22eastward lies the Zambesi with the village
23of Senna, and some twenty or thirty miles
24Morumbála beyond stands the lofty mountain Morumbala
25probably 3000 or 4000 feet high. It is of an
26oblong shape and from its physiognomy
27which can be distinctly seen when the sun
28is in the West, is evidently igneous. On At
29the northern end there is a hot sulphurous
30fountain which my Portuguese friends refused
31 to allow me to visit, because it ^ the mountain is well peopled
32and the inhabitantsmountaineers are at present not
33friendly with the Portuguese. They have
34plenty of garden ground and running water
35on its summit. My friends at Senna declined
0254
1 3 202
2the responsibility of taking me into danger.
3To the north of Morumbala we have a fine
4Maganja view of the mountains of the Maganja, - they here
5come close to the river and terminate in Morumbala.
6Shíre Many of them are conical, and the Shire is
7reported to flow amongst them and to come
8on the Senna side of Morumbala, before
9joining the Zambesi. All around to the South-
10east, the country is flat, and covered with forest,
11but near to Senna, a number of little abrupt
12conical hills diversify the scenery. To the
13west and north, the country is also flat forest,
14which gives it a sombre appearance, but just
15in the haze of the horizon South West by South,
16there rises a mountain range equal in height to
17Morumbala, and called Nyamónga. In a
18clear day, another range beyond this may be seen,
19which is Goronngózo, once a station of the Jesuits.
20Gorongózo is famed for its clear cold waters
21and healthiness, and there are some inscriptions
22engraved on large square slabs on the top
23of the mountain which have probably been
24the work of the Fathers. As this lies in the
25Manica direction of a part between Manica and
26Sofála which has been conjectured to be
27the Ophir of King Solomon, the idea that
28first sprung up in my mind was that these
29monuments might be more ancient than the
30Portuguese, but on questioning some persons
31who had seen them, I found that they were
32in Roman characters, and did not deserve
33a journey of six days to see them.
Manica lies three days north west
35of Gorongóza, and is the best gold country
0255
1 4 203
2known in Eastern Africa. The only evidence
3the Portuguese have of its being the ancient
4Ophir, is, that at Sofala, its nearest port, pieces
5of wrought gold have been dug up near the
6fort, and in the gardens. They also report the
7existence of hewn stones in the neighbourhood,
8but these cannot have been abundant, for all
9the stones of the fort of Sofala are said to
10have been brought from Portugal. Natives
11whom I have met in the country of Sekeletu,
12from Manica, or Mannioa, as they call it,
13state that there are several caves in the
14country, and walls of hewn stone, which they
15believe to have been made by their ancestors,
16and there is, according to the Portuguese, a
17small tribe of Arabs there, who have become
18completely like the other natives. Two
19Motirikwe rivers, the Motiríkwe and Sabía, or
20Sabe, run through their country into the
21sea. The Portuguese were driven out of the
22country by the Landeens, but now talk of
23reoccupying Manica.
Sorell The most pleasant sight I saw at
25Senna, was the negroes of Senhor Isidore
26building boats after the European model
27without anyone to superintend their operations.
28They had been instructed by a European
29master, but now go into the forest, and cut
30down the Motoundo trees, lay down the
31keel, fit in the ribs, and make very neat
32boats and launches, valued at from £20
33to £100. Senhor Isidore had some of
34them instructed also in carpentry at
35Rio Janeiro, and they constructed for him
0256
1 5 204
2the handsomest house in Kilimane, the
3wood-work being all of country trees, some of
4which are capable of a fine polish and very
5durable. A medical opinion having been asked
6by the Commandant respecting a better site
7for the village, which lying on the low bank
8of the Zambesi is very unhealthy, I recommended
9him to imitate the Jesuits, who had chosen
10the high healthy mountain of Gorongozo,
11and fix on a new site on Morumbala, which
12is perfectly healthy, well watered and where
13 the Shire is deep enough for the purpose of
14navigation at its base; but the people of
15Senna are not at present on friendly terms
16with the inhabitants there. As the next
17resource, I recommendedproposed removal to the
18harbour of Mitilone, which is at one of the
19mouths of the Zambesi,
{;} and a much better
20port than Kilimane,
{;} and where if they must
21have the fever, they would be in the way of
22doing more good to themselves and the country
23than they can do in their present situation.
24Had the Portuguese proposed this territory
25as a ^ real colony, this important point would not
26have been left unoccupied; as it is, there is
27not even a native village placed at the
28entrance of this splendid river to shew the
29way in.
On the 9th of May sixteen of ^ my men were
31employed to carry government goods in canoes
32up to Tete. They were much pleased at getting
33this work. On the 11th the whole of the
34inhabitants of Senna, with the Commandant,
35accompanied us to the boats. A venerable
0257
1 6 205
2old man, son of a judge, said they were in
3much sorrow on account of the miserable
4state of decay into which they had sunk, and
5in account of the insolent conduct of the
6people of Kisaka, now in the village. We were
7abundantly supplied with provisions by the
8Commandant and Senhor Ferrão, and sailed
9pleasantly down the broad river. About
10thirty miles below Senna we passed the mouth
11of the river Zangwe on our right, which
12farther up goes by the name of Pungue;
13and close to the end of a low range into which
14Morumbala merges about five miles further
15on our left, we crossed the mouth of the Shire,
16which seemed to be about 200 yards broad -
17A little further inland, there is another
18rebel stockade, which was attacked by
19Ensign Rebeiro, with three European soldiers,
20and captured; They disarmed the rebels, and
21threw the guns into the water. This Ensign
22and Miran
{n}da, volunteered to disperse the
23people of Kisaka, who were riding roughshod
24over the inhabitants of Senna, but the offer
25was declined, the few real Portuguese fearing
26the disloyal half-castes among whom they dwell.
27Slavery and immorality have here done
28their work; for nowhere else does the European
29name stand at so low an ebb, and
{but} what
30 can be expected! Few Portuguese
31women are ever taken to their colonies, and
32here I did not observe that honorable
33regard for their offspring which I noticed
34in Angola. The son of a late Governor of
35Tete was pointed out to me in the condition
0258
1 7 206
2and habit of a slave ^ I hope this may meet change.. There is no priest at
3Senna, nor school, though there are ruins
4of churches and convents.
On passing the Shire, we observed great
6quantities of the plant Alfacinya already
7mentioned floating down into the Zambesi.
[It is probably
8the Pistia
9Stratiotes,
10a gigantic
11"duckweed"]
12It was mixed with quantities of another aquatic
13plant, which the Barotse named "Njéfu",
14which& contained
{ing} in the petiole of the leaf a
15pleasant tasted nut. This was so esteemed
16by Sebituáne that he made it part of his
17tribute from the subjected tribes
[Dr Hooker
18kindly informs me
19thinks that
20the Njefu "is
21probably a
22species of Trapa
23the nuts of which
24are eaten in
25the south of
26Europe & in
27India - Government
28derives a large
29revenue from
30them in
31Kashmir , it
32amountsing to
33£12,000
34per annum
35for 128,000
36ass loads! The ancient Thracians are said to have eaten
37them largely. In the south of France they are called water chestnuts-" ]
The existence
38of these plants in such abundance in the
39Shire, may shew that it flows from large
40collections of still water
Richards A few miles beyond the Shíre, we left the
42hills entirely, and sailed between extensive
43flats. The banks, seen in the distance, are
44covered with trees. We slept on a large
45inhabited island, and then came to the
46entrance of the river Mútu. the point of
47departure is called Mazáro, which means
48"Mouth of the Mútu". The people who live
49on the north are called Baróro and their
50country Boróro. The whole of the right bank
51is in subjection to the Landeens, who, it was
52imagined, would levy a tribute upon us,
53for this they are accustomed to do to passengers.
54I regret that we did not meet them, for
55though they are named Caffres, I am not
56sure whether they are of the Zulu family
57or of the Mashona. I should have liked
58to have formed their acquaintance, and
59learned what they really think of white
0259
1 8 207
2men. I understand from Sekwébu, and
3Changamera's from one of the Changaméra’s people who lives
4at Linyánti, and was present at the attack
5on Senna, that they consider the whites as
6a conquered tribe.
Mazaro The Zambesi at Mazáro is a magnificent
8river, more than half a mile wide and
9without islands. The opposite bank is
10covered with forest of fine timber; but
11the delta which begins here, is only an
12immense flat, covered with high coarse
13grass and reeds, with here and there a few
14mango and cocoa-nut trees. This was the
15point which was reached by the late
16lamented Captain Parker, who fell at the
17Sulina mouth of the Danube. I had a strong
18desire to follow the Zambesi further, and
19ascertain where this enormous body of
20water found its way into the sea, but ^ on hearing
21from the Portuguese that he had ascended
22to this point, and had been highly pleased
23with the capabilities of the river, I felt sure
24that his valuable opinion must be in
25possession of the Admiralty. On my arrival
26in England I applied to Captain Washington
27the Secretary of the Admiralty, and he
28promptly furnished the document for
29publication by the Royal Geographical
30Society.
The river between Mazáro and the sea,
32must therefore be judged of from the
33testimony of the more competent to
34decide on its merits than a mere landsman
35like myself [ insert
Please
3(Insert here the matter marked at pages
4312—315 & 316 in the pamphlet)
5with quotation marks along the side &
6same type as text
7Rieg The conclusions of Captain Parker are strengthened
8by those of Lieutenant A. H. Hoskins, who was on
9the coast at the same time, and also visited this
10spot. It ought to be remembered that the
11testimony of these gentlemen is all the more
12valuable, because they visited the river when the
13water was at its lowest, ebb and the surface
14of the Zambesi was not as it was now, on a
15level with and flowing into the Mútue, but
1616 feet beneath its bed. The Mútue at the
17point of departure, was only 10 or 12 yards broad,
18shallow, and filled with aquatic plants. Trees
19and reeds along the bank overhang it so much,
20that though we had brought canoes and a boat
21from Tete, we were unable to enter the Mútue
22in
{with} them, and left them at Mazáro. During
23most of the year, this part of the Mútue is dry,
24and we were even now obliged to carry all our
25luggage by land for about 15 miles. As
26Kilimanè is called in all the Portuguese
27documents, the capital of the rivers of Senna,
28it seemed strange to me that the capital
29should be built at a point where there was
30no direct water conveyance to the magnificent
31river whose name it bore, and an inquiry, I
32was informed that the whole of the Mútue was
33larger in days of yore, and admitted of the free
34passage of great launches all the year round
35 from Kilimane, but that now this part of the
36Mútue had been filled up.
I was seized by a severe tertian fever
3at Mazáro, but went along the right bank of the
4Mútue to the N. N. E. and E. for about 15 miles.
5We then found that it was navigable by a
6river called the Panngáze
{i}, which flows
{comes} into it
7from the N. Another river, flowing from the
8same direction, called the Luáre, swells it
9still more, and, last of all, the Likuáre, with
10the tide, make up the river of Kilimane.
11The Mútue at Mazáro is simply a connecting
12link, such as is so often seen in Africa, and
13neither its flow and stoppage affects the river
14of Kilimane. The waters of the Pangázi
15were quite clear compared with those of the
16Zambesi.
Footnote
18 I owe the following information, of a
19much later date, ^ also to the politeness of
20Captain Washington. H. M. Sloop Grecian
21visited the coast in 1852-3, and the master
22Luabo remarks, that the entrance to the Luabo is
23in Lat: 18° 57 S. Long. 36° 12' E, and may
24be known by a range of Hummocks on its
25eastern side, and very low land to the S. W.
26The entrance is narrow, and as with all the
27rivers on this coast, is fronted by a bar, which
28renders the navigation, particularly for boats,
29most very dangerous, with the wind to the
30South of East or West. Our boats proceeded
3120 miles up this river, 2 fathoms on the bar,
32then 2½ - 4 - 6 – 7 fathoms. It was navigable
33further up, but they did not proceed. It is
34quite possible for a moderate sized vessel to
35cross the bar at spring tides, and be perfectly
0262
1 11 210
2 Footnote (continued)
3landlocked and hidden amongst the trees.
4Maiüdo The Maiúdo Maiúdo, in 18° 52' S. and 36°
512' E. is not mentioned in Horsburgh, nor laid
6down in the Admiralty Chart, but is nevertheless
7one of some importance, and appeared to be one
8of the principal stations for shipping slaves, as
9the boats found two Barracoons, about
1020 miles up, havingbearing every indication of having
11been very recently occupied, and which had
12good presumptive evidence that the
13"Canoraizo", a brig under American colours,
14had embarked a cargo from thence, but a
15short time before. This river is fronted
16by a portion of the Elephant Shoals, at the
17distance of 3 or 4 miles outside. The Eastern
18bank is formed by level sea cliffs, (as seen
19from the ship it has that appearance) high
20for this part of the coast and conspicuous.
21The western side is composed of thick trees,
22and terminates in dead wood, from which
23we called it "Dead–wood Point". After
24crossing the bar, it branched off in a W.
25and N. W. direction, the latter being the
26principal arm up which the boats went
27some thirty miles, or about ten beyond the
28Barracoon. Fresh water can be obtained
29almost immediately inside the entrance,
30as the stream runs down very rapidly with
31the ebb tide. The least water crossing
32the bar (Low --- springs) was 1½
33fathoms. one cast only there from
342 to 5 fathoms, another 7 fathoms
35nearly the whole way up.
0263
112 211
2 (Footnote continued)
3The Catrina, Lat: 18° 50' S Long. 36° 24' E.
4The external appearance of this river is precisely
5Maiüdo similar to that of the M˄aiúdo, so much so
6that it is difficult to distinguish them by any
7feature of the land. The longitude is the
8best guide, or in the absence of observation,
9perhaps the angles contained by the extremes
10of land, wouldwill be serviceable. Thus at 9 miles
11 of the M^aiúdo, the angle contained by the above,
12was seven points, the bearing being N, E. W
13of N W, whilst off the Catrina at the same
14distance from shore (about 9 miles), the
15angle was only 3½ to 4 points, being N to
16N. W. As we did not send the boats up
17this river, no information was obtained.
(Text)
My fever became excessively severe, in
20consequence of travelling in the hot sun,
21and the long grass blocking up the narrow
22path, so as quite to exclude the air. The
23pulse beat with amazing force, and felt
24as if thumping against the crown of the head.
25The stomach and spleen swelled enormously,
26giving me for the first time, an appearance
27which I had been disposed to laugh at among
28the Portuguese. At Interra we met
29Senhor Azevi
{e}do, a man who is well known
30by all who ever visited Kilimane, and who
31was presented with a gold chronometer watch
32by the Admiralty, for his attentions to
33English officers. He immediately tendered
34his large sailing launch, which had a
35house in the stern. This was greatly in
0264
1 13 212
2my favour, for it anchored in the middle of
3the stream, and gave me some rest from the
4mosquitoes, which in the whole of the delta are
5something frightful. Sailing comfortably in this
6commodious launch along the river of Kilimane,
7we reached that town
{village} on the 20th of May 1856,
8which wanted only a few days of being 4 years
9since I started from Cape Town. Here I was
10received into the house of Colonel Galdino
11Jose Nunes, one of the best men in the
12country. I had been three years without
13hearing from my family; letters having
14frequently been sent, but somehow or
15other, with but a single exception, they
16never reached me. I received, however,
17a letter from Admiral Trotter, conveying
18information of their welfare, and some
19newspapers which were indeed a treat.
20H. M. B. the "Frolic" had called to enquire
21for me in the November previous, and
22Captain Nolloth of that ship had most
23considerately left for me a case of wine,
24and his surgeon Dr. Walsh, divining what
25I should need most, left an ounce of
26quinine. These gifts made my heart
27overflow. I had not tasted any liquor
28whatever during the time I had been in
29Africa, but when reduced ^ in Angola at Loanda
30to extreme weakness, I found much
31benefit from a little wine and took from
32
[Loanda ] ^ thence one bottle of brandy in my medicine
33chest, intending to use it if it were again
34required, but the boy who carried it
35whirled the box upside down, and smashed
0265
1 14 213
2the bottle, so I cannot give my testimony
3either in favour of or against the brandy.
But my joy on reaching the East
5Coast was sadly embittered by the news
6Sedg that Commander MacLune of H. M. Brigantine
7"Dart" on coming in to Kilimane to pick me
8up had, with Lieutenant Woodruffe and
9five men, been lost on the bar. I never
10felt more poignant sorrow. It seemed as
11if it would have been easier for me to
12have died for them, than that they should
13all be cut off from the joys of life in
14generously attempting to render me a
15service. I would here acknowledge my deep
16obligations to the Earl of Clarendon; and to
17the Admiral at the Cape; and others for
18the kind interest they manifested in my
19safety; even the enquiries made were very
20much to my advantage. I also refer
21with feelings of gratitude to the Governor of
22Mozambique for offering me a passage in a
{the}
23schooner
[Zambesi] belonging to that province, and I shall
24never forget the generous hospitality of Col: Nine
{une}s
25Nunes and his nephew, with whom I remained.
26One of the discoveries I have made, is, that there
27is a vast number of good people in the world,
28and I do most devoutly tender my unfeigned
29thanks to that Gracious One who mercifully
30watched over me in every position, and influenced
31the hearts of both black and white to regard
32me with favour.
With the united testimony of Capt. Parker
34and Lieut. Hoskins, added to my own
35observation, there can be no reasonable doubt
0266
1 15 214
2but that the real mouth of the Zambesi is
3available for the purposes of commerce. The
4delta is claimed by the Portuguese and the
5southern bank of the Luabo or Cuama, as this part
6of the Zambesi is sometimes called, is owned by
7independent natives of the Caffre family. The
8Portuguese are thus near the main entrance to
9the new central region, and as they have of late
10years shown ^ in an enlightened and liberal spirit
11their desire to develop the resources of Eastern
12Africa by proclaiming Mozambique a free
13port. It is to be hoped that the same spirit
14will lead them to invite mercantile enterprise
15up the Zambesi, by offering facilities to those
16who may be led to push commerce into the
17regions lying far beyond their territory.
Their wish to co-operate in the noble work of
19developing the resources of the rich country
20beyond, could not be shewn better than by
21placing a village with Zambesian pilots at
22Mitilone the harbour of Mitilone, and erecting a light-
23house for the guidance of seafaring men. If
24this were done, no nation would ^ be a greater gainer more
25by it than the Portuguese themselves, and
26assuredly no other needs a resuscitation
27of its commerce more. There kindness to me
28personally makes me wish for ^ them a return of
29their ancient prosperity, and the most liberal
30and generous act of the enlightened young
31king H. M. Don Pedro, in sending out orders
32 to support my late companions at the
33public expense of the Province of Mozambique
34until my return to claim them, leads me
35to hope for encouragement in every measure
0267
1 16 215
2for either the development of commerce, the
3elevation of the natives or abolition of the
4trade in slaves.
As far as I am myself concerned, the opening
6of the new central country is a matter for
7congratulation, only in so far as it opens up
8a prospect for the elevation of the inhabitants.
9As I have elsewhere remarked, I view the end
10of the geographical feat as the beginning of
11the missionary enterprise. I take the latter
12term in its most extended signification, and
13include every effort made for the amelioration
14of our race,- the promotion of all those means
15by which God in His providence is working
16and bringing all His dealings with man to
17a glorious consummation. Each man in his
18sphere, either knowingly or unwittingly, is
19performing the will of our Father in Heaven.
20Men of science searching after hidden truths,
21which when discovered will, like the Electric
22telegraph, bind men more closely together;–
23soldiers battling for the right against
24tyranny,- sailors rescuing the victims of
25oppression from the grasp of heartless men-
26stealers,- merchants teaching the nations
27lessons of mutual dependences, and many
28others as well as missionaries, all work in
29the same direction, and all our efforts are
30overruled for one glorious end.
If the Reader has accompanied me thus
32far, he may perhaps be disposed to take
33an interest in the plan objects I propose to myself
34should God mercifully grant me the honour
35of doing something more for Africa. As
0268
1 17 216
2the highlands on the borders of the central
3basin are comparatively healthy, the first
4object seems to be to secure a permanent
5path thither, in order that Europeans may
6pass as quickly as possible through the
7unhealthy region near the coast. The river
8has not been surveyed, but at the time I
9came down, there was abundance of water
10for a large vessel and this continues to be
11the case during four or five months of each
12year. The months of low water still admit
13of navigation by launches, and would permit
14small vessels equal to the Thames steamers
15to ply with ease in the deep channel. If
16a steamer were sent to examine the Zambesi,
17I would recommend one of the lightest draught,
18and the months of May, June and July for
19passing through the delta, and this not
20so much for fear of want of water, as the
21danger of being grounded on a ^sand or mud bank,
22and the health of the crew being endangered
23by the delay.
In the months referred to, no obstruction
25would be incurred in the channel below
26Tete. Twenty or thirty miles above that
27point we have a small rapid, of which I
28regret my inability to speak as (mentioned
29already) I did not visit it. But taking
30the distance below this point we have in
31round numbers 300 miles of navigable
32river. Above this rapid we have another
33reach of 300 miles
[with sand
34but no
35mud banks
36in it]
which brings us to the
37foot of the Eastern Ridge ^. Let it not
38however be thought that a vessel by going
0269
1 18 217
2thither would return laden with ivory and
3gold dust. The Portuguese of Tete pick up
4all the merchandise of the tribes in their
5vicinity, and though I came out by traversing
6the ^
[people] tribes with whom the Portuguese have
7been at war, it does not follow that it will
8be perfectly safe for others to go in, whose
9goods may be a stronger temptation to
10cupidity than anything I possessed. When
11we got beyond the hostile population
12mentioned, we reach a very different race.
13On the latter, my chief hopes at present
14rest. All of them, however, are willing and
15anxious to engage in trade; and while
16eager for this they ^ none have never been
17encouraged to cultivate the raw materials of
18commerce. Their country is well adapted
19for cotton, and I venture to entertain the
20hope that by distributing seeds of better
21kinds than that which is found indiginous,
22and stimulating the natives to cultivate it
23by affording them the certainty of a market
24for all they may produce, ^ we may to engender a
25feeling of mutual dependance between them
26and ourselves. I have a double object in
27view, and believe that by guiding our
28missionary labours so as to benefit our
29own country we shall thereby more effectually
30and permanently benefit the heathen.
31Seven years were spent at Kolobeng in
32instructing my friends there. But the
33country being incapable of raising materials
34for exportation, when the Boers made their
35murderous attack and scattered the tribe
0270
1 19 218
2for a season, none sympathised except a few
3Christian friends. Had the people of Kolobeng
4been in the habit of raising the raw materials
5of English commerce, the outrage would have
6been felt in England, or, what is more likely
7to have been the case, the people would have
8raised themselves in the scale by barter,
9and have become, like the Basutos of
10Moshesh and people of Kuruman, possessed
11of fire arms, and the Boers would never
12have made the attack at all. We ought
13to encourage the Africans to cultivate for
14our markets as the most effectual means,
15next to the gospel, of their elevation.
It is in the hope of working with this idea
17that I propose the formation of stations on
18the Zambesi beyond the Portuguese territory,
19but having communication through them
20with the coast. A chain of stations admitting
21of easy and speedy intercourse such as
22might be formed along the flank of the
23Eastern ridge, would be in a favourable
24position for carrying out the objects in
25view. The London Missionary Society has
26
[resolved ˄] intends to have a station among the
27Makololo on the North bank, and anotherthe
[on the south
28among the
29Matebele -
30The]
^ Church or Wesleyan or Baptistany other body
31would find desirable locations among
32the Batoka. The Country is so extensive
33there is no fear of clashing,
[All churches sects find they
34classes of Christians find that sectarian rancour
35soon dies out when they are working together among & for
36the real heathen,]
; only let the
37healthy locality be fixed upon, and then
38there would be free scope to work in the
39same cause in various directions, without
40that loss of men which the system of missions
0271
1 20 219
2on the unhealthy coast entails. I specify the
3Church and Wesleyan Societies because of
4their riches and influence, and while respectfully
5submitting the plan
[to these
6influential
7societies] , I can say positively
8that when fairly in the Interior, there is
9perfect security for life and property
10among a people who will at least listen
11and reason.
Eight of my men begged to be allowed
13to come as far as Kilimane, and thinking
14that they would there see the ocean, I
15consented to their coming, though the food
16was so scarce in consequence of a dearth,
17that they were compelled to suffer some
18hunger. They would fain have come further,
19for when Sekeletu parted with them, his
20orders were that none of them should
21turn until they had reached Ma Robert,
22and brought her back with them. On my
23explaining the difficulty of crossing the sea he said
24"Wherever you lead they must follow." As I did
25not know well how I should get home myself,
26I advised them to go back to Tete where food
27was abundant, and there await my return.
28I bought a quantity of cotton cloth and brass
29wire with ten of the smaller tusks which we
30had in our charge, and sent the former back as
31clothing, to those who remained at Tete. As
32there were still twenty of the latter left I deposited
33them with Colonel Nunes, that in case of
34anything happening to prevent my return,
35the impression might not be produced in the
36country that I had made away with Sekeletu’s
37ivory. I instructed Colonel Nunes in case of
0272
1 21 220
2my death, to sell the tusks, and deliver the
3proceeds to my men, but I intended if my life
4should be prolonged, to purchase the goods
5ordered by Sekeletu in England, with my own
6money, and pay myself on my return out
7of the price of the ivory, this I explained to
8the men fully, and they understanding the
9matter replied "Nay Father, you will not die,
10you will return to take us back to Sekeletu".
11They promised to wait till I came back, and
12on my part I assured them that nothing but
13death would prevent my return. This I said,
14though while waiting at Kilimane, a letter
15came from the Directors of the London Missionary
16Society stating that "they were restricted in
17their power of forwarding aiding plans, apparently connected only
18remotely with the spread of the Gospel;" and,
19that the financial circumstances of the
20Society, were not such as to afford any
21ground of hope that it would be in a position
22within any definite period to enter upon
23untried, remote and difficult fields of
24labour." This has been since explained as
25an effusion caused by temporary financial
26depression, but feeling perfect confidence
27in my Makololo friends, I was determined
28to return, and trust to their generosity.
29The old love of independa^ence which
30I had so strongly before joining
31the Society again returned, It was
32roused by a mistaken view of
33what this letter meant for the
34Directors entered with enlightened zeal
35on the work of sending the gospel